He was accused of connection with the Washington sewer, paving and sidewalk rings of a period eight or ten years earlier than this though no fraud or questionable intent was ever shown in connection with this. The only effective personal attack on him, however was in the wide distribution of a fac-simile of a letter, purporting to come from him relating to Chinese immigration. The letter was first printed in a paper called Truth, published in New York, under date of Saturday, October 23, 1880. It was headed, "Garfield's Political Death Warrant," and was characterized as "His Infamous Letter Advocating the Increased Immigration of Chinese Cheap Labor." It was written on House of Representatives' letter head, was marked "Personal and Confidential," was addressed to H. L. Morey, of Lynn. Mass., and read as follows:

Yours in relation to the Chinese problem came duly to hand.

I take it that the question of employes is only a question of private and corporate economy, and individuals or companies have the right to buy labor where they can get it cheapest.

We have a treaty with the Chinese Government which should be religiously kept until its provisions are abrogated by the action of the General Government, and I am not prepared to say that it should be abrogated until our great manufacturing and corporate interests are considered in the matter of labor.

This letter was promptly denounced as a forgery. It was afterwards proven to be such, and one of the authors of it was sentenced to prison for eight years. But it was so late in the campaign when it was circulated that the truth could not, in all cases, overtake the lie, and it cost Garfield the popular vote of California.

In 1878, when the Greenbackers were at their strongest, á combination between them and the Democrats elected a Democratic Governor in Maine, the first time the Republicans in that State had been beaten since the party was organized. The next year Governor Garcelon and his councillors counted in a Democratic Legislature, by methods more suited to Louisiana than to Maine, and in contravention of a decision of the Supreme Court. Notwithstanding the indig nation caused by the proceeding, the combination elected their candidate for Governor in 1880, though by only 169 majority. This was a decided setback for the Republicans. But it had one good effect in uniting the factions and setting them earnestly to work. Senator Conkling had, before this, sulked in his tent, but through the influence of General Grant, he was induced to visit General Garfield

at Mentor, Ohio, and afterwards to enter heartily into the canvass. He and General Grant, together, made a stumping tour through New York State, Grant making five-minute speeches, and Conkling addresses of considerable length. It was due to their combined efforts, doubtless, that New York, in November gave the Republican Electors as fair a majority as it did, perhaps due to this effort that it gave them any majority at all. Garfield carried every Northern State except New Jersey, Nevada and California. In the latter State one of the Democratic candidates for Elector was badly scratched, on account of personal unpopularity, so that Garfield had one Elector from that State. Hancock had the Solid South, including all the old Seceded and Border States. The Electoral vote was:

In Maine, the vote credited to Hancock was cast on a Fusion ticket of Democrats and Greenbackers. It had a total of 65,171, of which probably two-thirds was cast by the former and one-third by the latter. In Virginia there were two Hancock tickets, one nominated by the "Funders" and the other by the "Readjusters," two factions into which the Democratic party was divided on the method of adjusting the State debt. The first of these had 96,596 votes and The Republican vote in the State was 83,511. During the Garfield-Arthur Administration Congress was divided politically as follows:

the second, 31,559.

Forty-seventh Congress.

Senate--Republicans, 37; Democrats, 37; American 1;

Readjuster, 1.

House-Republicans, 152; Democrats, 130; Nationals, 9;
Readjusters, 2.

Forty-eighth Congress.

Senate Republicans, 40; Democrats, 36.

House-Republicans, 119; Democrats, 200; Independents, 4;
Nationals, 2.

The Presidential Electors were: At Large-Charles B. Peck, Samuel M. Stephenson. By Districts-(1) Edward H. Butler; (2) Charles T. Mitchell; (3) David R. Cook; (4) Charles Duncombe; (5) Aaron B. Turner; (6) Ira P. Bingham; (7) Watson Beach; (8) William H. Potter; (9) Samuel A. Browne.

The vote of the State for Governor in 1880 was:

David H. Jerome, Republican..
Frederick M. Holloway, Democrat.
David Woodman, 2d, Greenback...
Isaac W. McKeever, Prohibition.
Cornelius Quick, Anti-Masonic..

178,944

137,671

35,122

1,114

220

The Michigan Congressmen elected were all Republicans, and were as follows, in the order of their districts: Henry W. Lord, Edwin Willits, Edward S. Lacey, Julius C. Burrows, George W. Webber, Oliver L. Spaulding, Omar D. Conger, Roswell G. Horr, Jay A. Hubbell Mr. Conger was elected to the United States Senate by the Legislature of 1881, and was succeeded by John T. Rich.

In the election of 1882, which came midway in this Presidential period, the vote for Governor was as follows:

The Congressional elections in 1882 were quite in keeping with the revolution which gave the Governorship to the Democrats, six out of the eleven members being elected by Fusion votes, as follows: (1) W. C. Maybury; (2) N. B. Eldredge; (4) George L. Yaple; (5) Julius Housemann, (6) Edwin B. Winans; (7) Ezra C. Carlton. The Republican members were: (3) Edward S. Lacey; (8) Roswell G. Horr; (9) Byron M. Cutcheon; (10) Herschel H. Hatch; (11) Edward Breitung.

XXVIII.

THE GARFIELD AND ARTHUR ADMINISTRATION.

Blaine's Purpose in Taking the State Portfolio-A Series of Unfor tunate Appointments-Slights Upon Mr. Conkling and His Indig nation Thereat-Resignation of the New York Senators-Boutwell's Statement of the Affair-Successors of Senators Conkling and Platt-Assassination of President Garfield — Guiteau's Letter of Explanation-Press Lessons Drawn From the Tragedy-Changes Made in the Cabinet by President Arthur --His Prudent and Successful Administration-The Question of Civil Service Reform—The Tariff of 1883—Morrison's Horizontal Reduction Plan-Other Important Measures.

If President Garfield had any purpose of harmonizing the factions in the party, and to "treat all stripes alike," he set about it in a very awkward way, for his choice of Cabinet officers, and some of his New York appointments, made soon afterwards, were in the highest degree offensive to the ruling faction in the Republican politics of the Empire State. The Cabinet was made up as follows:

Secretary of State-James G. Blaine, of Maine.

Secretary of the Treasury-William Windom, of Minnesota.
Secretary of War-Robert T. Lincoln, of Illinois.
Secretary of the Navy-William H. Hunt, of Louisiana.
Secretary of the Interior-Samuel J. Kirkwood, of Iowa.
Postmaster General-Thomas L. James, of New York.
Attorney General--Wayne MacVeagh, of Pennsylvania.

Blaine's appointment was, of course, distasteful to the dominant wing in the party in New York. Many of his wisest friends advised him not to take the portfolio, among them Senator Dawes, who said, at a later period: "I warned Mr. Blaine that if he entered the Cabinet with the intent or hope of circumventing his rival, it would be fatal to him and to the Administration of Garfield, and I

expressed the opinion that it would be impossible for him to keep the peace if he took the office. He replied with frankness, and, I have no doubt, with entire sincerity, that it would be his purpose, if he accepted the office, to ignore all past differences, and so deport himself in it as to force reconciliation. He also said that he could not agree with me, even if the effect should prove otherwise, that he should be debarred from the great opportunity, for which he felt himself qualified, to administer the Foreign office on the broad and grand scale he did afterward undertake, but was not permitted to perfect. I foresaw the rocks, all too plainly, and advised him to remain in the Senate. But he determined otherwise and accepted the position." That Blaine did not overestimate his qualifications for the important duties of Secretary of State, was shown at a later period, by his successful and brilliant administration of the same Department under President Harrison. But that he underestimated the difficulties of promoting peace, with himself in the Cabinet, and with as impulsive a man as Garfield in the Presidency, is equally clear.

But this appointment was not as offensive to Mr. Conkling and his political associates, as the second proffer that was made of a Cabinet position, that of the Treasury portfolio to Charles J. Folger, of New York. This offer was made, not only without consulting Senator Conkling, but against his recommendation of Levi P. Morton for the place. Mr. Folger declined the offer, but that did not mitigate Mr. Conkling's wrath at the slight that had been put upon him. It became known soon afterwards that the New York postmaster Thomas L. James, was to be appointed Postmaster General, and as there was no likelihood of two Cabinet appointments going to the same State, this shut out the Empire State from the Treasury portfolio, which, its Senators had been assured, should go to that State When Senator Platt heard of this he communicated the information to Senator Conkling and Vice-President Arthur, whom he found at breakfast. The three repaired to the Riggs House, where Garfield had rooms, to which they were admitted. Conkling broke out into an unseemly tirade, which he continued for a long time, charging Garfield, who was, all the time sitting on the edge of the bed, with treachery to his friends in New York, and with being false to his party.. Both Arthur and Platt subsequently declared that for invective, sarcasm and impassioned eloquence, this was the speech of his life.