vessel for the protection of American interests, was withdrawn. John L. Stevens, the American Minister, was recalled, and Albert S. Willis was appointed to succeed him, with instructions looking toward the overthrow of the Provisional Government, and the restor ation of Queen Liliuokalani. He might have succeeded but for the stubbornness and cruel disposition of the Queen, who refused to promise a grant of amnesty, demanded the execution of those who had helped to depose her, and showed, throughout, a disposition that was threatening to all foreign interests. Minister Willis himself at last conceded that an analysis of the list of the Queen's special advisers was not encouraging to the friends of good government nor American interests. The plan of reinstating the Queen was pursued for some months, under circumstances of intrigue and deceit that were astounding to the American people when they became known. The President could not use force to carry out his purpose without the consent of Congress, and that he could not obtain, for Congress was as bitterly opposed to his plans as was the country at large. The Queen found sufficient encouragement from his course to attempt an insurrection, which was speedily repressed by the Provisional Government, when she, for herself and heirs, forever renounced the throne, gave allegiance to the Republic and counselled her former subjects to do the same. She afterwards took journey to Washing ton, partly for the purpose of presenting a claim for damages for the loss of her crown, for which, she argued, the utterances of the President and his agents had given good ground. With the American people expressions of indignation now gave place to ridicule. and if the President read the papers at all, he saw his name coupled with the futile efforts of "Paramount Blount," and the aspirations of "Queen Lil" much oftener than he cared to. Even rhyme and minstrel song were not lacking in this entertainment.

The State and Congressional elections in 1894 came on a little over two months after the passage of the Tariff Bill, and while the Hawaiian intrigue was still in progress. They resulted in a Republican victory of unexpectedly large proportions. The Democratic strength in the House as compared with the last Congress was reduced from 218 to 103, and the Republican strength increased from 130 to 245. Delaware, Idaho, Montana, North Dakota, Utah and Wyoming, having one Representative each, all chose Republicans, while fifteen states, having more than one each, had solid Republican delegations. Connecticut, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Maine Michi

gan, Minnesota, New Hampshire, New Jersey, Oregon, Rhode Island, South Dakota, Vermont, Washington and Wisconsin. Of the old Slave States, Delaware elected one Republican; Kentucky five Republicans to six Democrats; Maryland three Republicans to three Democrats; Missouri eleven Republicans to four Democrats; North Carolina three Republicans to four Populists and two Democrats; Tennessee four Republicans to six Democrats; and Virginia two Republicans to eight Democrats. Republicans were also elected in Alabama, South Carolina and Texas. Only four States of what was formerly the Solid South, now sent full Democratic delegations— Arkansas, Florida, Louisiana and Mississippi. The Legislatures chosen at this election gave the Republicans a gain of two in the United States Senate, while the Democrats lost five, but the four Populists and one Silver Republican held the balance of power.

Only two events that attracted wide attention occurred during the last half of this Administration. The first was a decision of the Supreme Court declaring the income tax feature of the Brice-GormanWilson Tariff Act to be unconstitutional. This decision widened the gap between the Treasury receipts and expenditures and for the remainder of the term, the finances of the Government Treasury were in a very embarrassed condition.

During Secretary Gresham's incumbency of the State Department, as well as that of Secretary Bayard under the former Cleveland Administration, complaints were frequent of the un-American policy of the Administration. After Mr. Bayard became Minister to England, his sycophancy at the Court of St. James, and in public. addresses, were especially distasteful. In Hawaii the annexationists felt keenly the slight put upon them by President Cleveland's Administration, in that it imparted its views and its purposes to the British and Royalist citizens in preference to the American residents. In May, 1895, Secretary Gresham died, and Richard Olney, who had been Attorney General, succeeded him. Either through Olney's influence, or else because he wanted to efface the Hawaiian memories, the President now inaugurated a jingo policy. New discoveries of gold had given increased importance to a long standing boundary dispute between Great Britain and Venezuela. The President insisted, on the ground of the Monroe Doctrine and our essential sovereignty on the American continent, that Great Britain should submit the dispute to arbitration. When this was refused he sent a message to Congress which startled the country. He proposed the

creation of a commission to determine and report upon "the true divisional line between Venezuela and British Guiana." He added: "When such report is made and accepted, it will, in my opinion, be the duty of the United States to resist, by every means in its power, as a willful aggression upon its rights and interest, the appropriation by Great Britain of any lands, or the exercise of governmental jurisdiction over any territory, which after investigation, we have determined of right belongs to Venezuela." Both Houses passed a resolution for the appointment of the Commission. Immediately American securities began to fall, creating almost a panic in the stock market, and the gold reserve rapidly diminished. Three days after he sent the war message he was obliged to send another, asking for legislation to preserve the National credit. The fact is, that neither in its. Army nor in its finances, was the Nation in condition to go to war with a second-class power, let alone Great Britain. This pyrotechnie display of jingoism and devotion to the Monroe Doctrine was the last decided sensation of an Administration that had been fertile in surprises, but mostly barren of useful results. Some good did, however, ultimately come out of this last agitation. For, though Great Britain would not acknowledge the authority of a Boundary Commission appointed by the United States, yet growing out of our intervention a treaty was made between that country and Venezuela, providing for a joint commission. The treaty was signed at Washington, February 2, 1897, by Sir Julian Pauncefote, British Ambassador, and General Jose Andrade, Venezuelan Minister to the United States. The Venezuelan Congress ratified the treaty without a dissenting vote, and diplomatic relations with Great Britain, which had been suspended for ten years, were at once resumed. The ratifications of the treaty were exchanged in Washington, June 14. The Commissioners named in the treaty were Lord Herschell and Justice Henn Collins, on the part of Great Britain, and Chief Justice Fuller and Justice Brewer, on the part of Venezuela. The fifth member, chosen by these four to act as President and umpire, was Professor Martaens, of the University of St. Petersburg. They met in Paris in the autumn of 1898 and gave their decision in 1899, confirming, for the most part, the British claims.

XXXV.

ELEVENTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION.

McKinley Long Before Recognized as the Coming Man for President -A Highly Successful Political Career-The Convention at St. Louis The Campaign Pronouncement-Contest Over the Silver Plank Sensational Withdrawal of the Silver Republicans— Their Statement to the Country-Only one Ballot Each for President and Vice-President-Points From the Letters of Accept

ance.

Long before the time for the assembling of the eleventh Republican National Convention it became apparent that the nomination would go to William McKinley, of Ohio. Major McKinley, during his young manhood, served more than four years in the war. From 1877 to 1891 he was almost continuously in Congress, where he earned the reputation of being the best-informed man on the tariff of any member of either House. He was one of the best of the debaters who took part in discussion of the Tariff Bill of 1883, was a leader in opposition to the Horizontal Reduction Bill of Congressman Morrison, and to the Mills Bill. He was on the Ways and Means Committee of the House for eleven years, was its Chairman in the Fifty-first Congress, and was the author of the Tariff Act which bore his name. In 1896 he was considered the best living exponent of the Republican Protective. Tariff policy, and was well informed upon all other matters of legislation. Besides this he was a "vote-getter." His District was three times “gerrymandered" by the Democrats in order to keep him out of Congress. In 1878 he was placed in a district which was Democratic by 1,800; but McKinley carried it by 1,300 majority. In 1884 he was placed in a district consisting of Stark, Summit, Medina and Wayne Counties, then strongly Democratic, and was elected by over 2,000 majority. Under the Price gerrymander of 1890, his district was made up of Stark, Medina, Wayne and Holmes Counties, which had the year before given Campbell, the Democratic candidate for Governor, 3,900

majority, but on the fullest vote ever polled in the district, Major McKinley reduced this majority to 303. He received 2,500 more votes in the district than had been cast for General Harrison for President in 1888 in the same counties. He was Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions in the National Conventions of 1884 and 1888. On June 7, 1891, Major McKinley was unanimously nominated by the Republicans of Ohio for Governor; and after one of the most hotly contested campaigns in the history of the State, he was elected over James E. Campbell, then Governor, by a plurality of 21,511 votes. At the Republican State Convention in 1892, Governor McKinley was elected one of the Delegates-at-large to the Republican National Convention at Minneapolis. He was made Chairman of the Ohio delegation, and permanent Chairman of the Convention. Although not desiring to have his name mentioned for the Presidency, and doing all he could personally to renominate President Harrison, he nevertheless received 182 votes for that high office. At the election in November, 1893, Governor McKinley was re-elected, defeating Lawrence T. Neal by 80,995 majority, in a total vote of 835,604. He received 433,342 votes, the greatest number ever given any State or Presidential candidate in the history of Ohio. The unprecedented, Republican victories in Ohio in 1894 and 1895 were also attributed to his effective work for the party. In 1894 the plurality of Samuel M. Taylor for Secretary of State was 137,086, and in 1895 the plurality of Asa S. Bushnell for Governor was 92,662.

The National Convention met in St. Louis, June 16, with Charles W. Fairbanks, of Indiana, for Temporary Chairman. On the second day permanent organization was effected, with John M. Thurston, of Nebraska, as President, rules were adopted nearly identical with those used in the Convention of 1892, majority and minority reports of the Committee on Credentials were presented, and the cases for contesting delegations were settled. On the third day the Committee on Resolutions reported the following platform:

The Republicans of the United States, assembled by their repre sentatives in National Convention, appealing for the popular and historical justification of their claims to the matchless achievements of thirty years of Republican rule, earnestly and confidently address themselves to the awakened intelligence, experience and conscience of their countrymen in the following declaration of facts and principles:

For the first time since the Civil War the American people have witnessed the calamitous consequences of full and unrestricted Dem