13. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of the public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the homestead policy which regards the settlers as paupers or supplicants for public bounty; and we demand the passage by Congress of the complete and satisfactory homestead measure which has already passed the House.

14. That the Republican party is opposed to any change in our naturalization laws, or any State legislation by which the rights of citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired; and in favor of giving full and efficient protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or naturalized, both at home and abroad.

15. That appropriations by Congress for river and harbor improvements of a National character, required for the accommodation and security of an existing commerce, are authorized by the Constitution and justified by the obligations of government to protect the lives and property of its citizens.

16. That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean is imperatively demanded by the interest of the whole country; that the Federal Government ought to render immediate and efficient aid in its construction; and that as preliminary thereto, a daily overland mail should be promptly established.

17. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive principles and views, we invite the co-operation of all citizens, however differing on other questions, who substantially agree with us in their affirmance and support.

Nominations were the order of business for the third day, and were awaited with intense interest, not only in Chicago, where people had been wrought up to a high pitch of excitement by the Convention and its surroundings, but throughout the country. William H. Seward was generally regarded as the strongest man. He had been among the first to take the advanced position on the slavery question. to which the party had now attained. He was an attractive speaker and had been on the stump, at different times, in many of the states, and his position in the United States Senate had made him conspicuHe was a good politician, as well as a statesman, and he had been for years in close alliance with Thurlow Weed, one of the most astute politicians in the country. Probably two-thirds of the delegates were in favor of Seward when they were chosen, and much more than half of them were of the same way of thinking at the end of the first day's work in the Convention.

ous.

The only other candidate who was regarded as at all formidable was Abraham Lincoln. Mr. Lincoln was regarded as a possibility for

the Presidential nomination from the time of the election following his debates with Douglas in 1858. His Cooper Institute speech in New York in 1859, was made in furtherance of such candidacy, and it certainly created a favorable sentiment for him in the East, but it was generally thought that his time had not yet come.

But there were several movements, some of them entirely unexpected, that worked against Mr. Seward. Five of the states had put forward favorite sons. These were Pennsylvania, with Simon Cameron; Ohio, with Salmon P. Chase; Missouri, with Edward Bates;

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

New Jersey, with Wm. L. Dayton, and Vermont with Jacob Collamer. These represented an uncertain quantity of 140 votes. It was not expected that any of them would be of any use, in the end, to their Own candidate, but no one could tell where they would go when it came to the determining ballot.

Wm. H. Seward, Thurlow Weed and Horace Greeley dominated the Whig party in New York in its latest days and the Republican party in the same

State in its earliest days. But, about this time Greeley became dissatisfied with the combination, announced in the Tribune the dissolution of the political firm of Seward, Weed and Greeley, and used the Tribune, as well as his personal influence, in opposition to Seward's nomination. The rule did not then prevail in Republican conventions that a delegate must be a resident of the State, and District, which he represented, and Mr. Greeley, who could not get appointed on the New York delegation, appeared in the Convention as a delegate from Oregon.

His candidate was Edward Bates, of Mis

souri, but he was ready for any other candidate that could beat Seward.

But there was another set of influences that operated much more strongly against Seward, coming from two of the close states. In Pennsylvania Andrew G. Curtin had been nominated for Governor by a People's Convention, the party not even assuming the name Republican. The party seems to have lost the virility that marked it in 1856. It now contained a powerful "American" element, and American organizations still existed in Philadelphia and some other counties. Curtin

questioned whether this

element would follow Seward, but thought it. might follow any of the other candidates named. His own fate, of course, would be decided by the drift of sentiment on the Presidential ticket. He and A. K. McClure, who was to manage his campaign, were at Chicago, and strenuously insisted to every delegation to which they could get access, that Seward could not carry Pennsylvania.

A somewhat similar state of affairs existed

SIMON CAMERON.

in Indiana. Henry S. Lane had been nominated for Governor, and Oliver P. Morton for Lieutenant-Governor, with the understanding that, if the ticket was successful, the former would be sent to the United States Senate, and the latter would then become Governor. Both were profoundly interested in the success of the ticket. There was a considerable American element in the State, and Seward was not strong with that element. Both these candidates thought that Seward's nomination meant their own defeat. They, with John D. Defrees, Chairman of the State Central Committee, joined their

remonstrances to those of the Pennsylvania men against the nomination of Seward. These remonstrances had great weight with the Convention, more especially as both States were lost to Fremont in 1856 by very small majorities, while if he had carried them he would have been elected.

The New York delegation and their friends made the most strenuous efforts to offset these influences. There never was a candidate, unless it was Henry Clay, who had a more devoted band of supporters. The whole delegation were enthusiastic and demonstrative, and the two leaders were particularly effective. Thurlow Weed was one of the most persuasive of men, and Evarts' eloquence attracted crowds wherever he spoke.

THURLOW WEED.

There were practically no nominating

speeches at the Convention. Mr. Seward's name was presented by Wm. M. Evarts, Mr. Lincoln's by Norman B. Judd, Gen. Cameron's by A. H. Reeder, S. P. Chase's by D. K. Cartter, Edward Bates' by Francis P. Blair, and Wm. L. Dayton's by Mr. Dudley. But if

there was no stirring oratory on the part of the speakers, there was plenty of enthusiasm on the part of the delegates and spectators. When Seward's name was first mentioned, a roar of applause went up that filled the vast auditorium, and this was repeated when Lincoln was placed in nomination. The names of the other candidates were cheered, but the cheers were as a gentle breeze to a whirlwind, when compared to the roar that greeted Lincoln and Seward. Opportunity was given for a repetition of these demonstrations when Indiana seconded the nomination of Lincoln, and Michigan that of Seward.