XXI

FIRST VOTE AND THE DISPUTED ELECTION

VOTING for the first time in a national election became a serious matter as one gained knowledge of political conditions in 1876. Republican politicians were too generally banking with selfish complacency on their party's war record. Realization came to young voters that present need was for rebuilding the nation and commanding administrative reforms. Southern States were in the midst of deplorable social and political conditions brought about by the enfranchisement of ignorant negroes. Wanton extravagance was rampant in legislatures they dominated and taxation was rising to ruinous proportions. Carpet-bag misrule, furthered by childish and venal voters, was backed by the military arm of the Federal Government. Political adventurers from the North were profiting by existing conditions, while professing exalted patriotism.

No impartial student of public affairs could escape the conclusion that this state of things called for correction. Responsibility and power belonged to the people of the North. How could the business of restoring order and governmental decency in the South be set in motion with the best promise of good results there; and at the same time honesty, econ

omy and efficiency be promoted at Washington ? Here was occasion for studying the present tendencies of parties and finding out what possibilities of improvement they offered to the country.

There was little of humility, and nothing of doubt in the attitude of active Republican leaders, large and small. We were told that only men of their political persuasion were fit to govern. That attitude affronted one's intelligence. All my predilections had been with the Republican party. But if that assumption were true, there was no help for us, and we might as well face the failure of popular government soon as late. Perpetuation of a ruling class could only increase present evidences that too long lease of power begets abuses. Why not then put this matter to the test and prove or disprove a theory so fatal to democratic aspirations? Were half the people unfit to govern themselves and the rest of us?

To this challenging temper young men of my acquaintance were brought, and we began to look about for the best the Democrats could offer in the way of proved and statesmanlike leadership. That meant early study of Governor Samuel J. Tilden's record, and in the end support of his candidacy. Thereby was freedom of political action declared by men who never became Democrats, but remained Independents, backing now one party and then the other, as either seemed to them deserving of support.

The paper was fair to both sides during the campaign, but gave its support to General Rutherford B. Hayes. So evenly were the scales held between

two candidates entitled to public respect that the office building was illuminated for both Republican and Democratic torchlight parades. The independence of the Republican had become established. In theory and in fact it was to "hold an even balance, giving praise or blame, support or opposition, as in each case it was deserved." To this doctrine those who helped make the paper subscribed and adhered. Not always, however, did they in personal political action follow the paper. Each reserved the right to decide for himself, and every man was proud -in historic words later to be spoken to "carry his sovereignty under his own hat." This appeared when the older Bowles voted for Hayes, and his son and myself gave support to Tilden - a division of action which I heard the Chief disclose to an Amherst professor with seeming satisfaction in the independence which the Republican office exhibited.

In insistence on democratic fundamentals, faith in the people, and willingness to fight for good government, Governor Tilden loomed. An able lawyer and very rich for his time, in physical stature he was not impressive. In conversation he was so low-voiced that critics called him a whisperer. But as an executive he was conspicuous. He led in the fight which overthrew the Tweed ring in New York City and drove that gang of plunderers into prison or exile. He helped purify the corrupt judiciary of the city and State of New York. As early as 1874 he induced the New York Democratic state convention to declare for sound currency, when in

flation ideas were rampant. As governor he stamped out the Canal ring, which had permeated all departments of the state government. He reformed the civil service of his State, and lifted the standard of official morality. Young men eager for idealism in politics were drawn to Mr. Tilden and were not deceived. Many of the fine young Democrats near to him, who were resolved to rehabilitate their party, I knew. But rascals feared Governor Tilden, while Republicans steadily distrusted his methods and

purposes.

Let it not be forgotten, in estimating Mr. Tilden's loyalty to the community he benefited so much, that he planned to give his entire fortune for library purposes. He never married. His will was challenged and broken in behalf of relatives, but through the fine action of a grandniece, Mrs. Laura Pelton Hazard, $2,100,000 out of about $4,000,000, went as Governor Tilden intended it to go. The New York Public Library received that money, an institution which serves more readers than any other public library in the world.

That Samuel J. Tilden was elected in 1876 and entitled to the presidency was a conclusion reached through careful examination, with an understanding of that time, of the facts in dispute and reports on them, in their wide ramifications. Probably he would have become president in the usual order had not John C. Reed, news editor of the New York Times, a master in gathering and handling election returns, but one of the bitterest partisans among my newspaper acquaintances persuaded the two Chand

lers - Zachary C., of Michigan, chairman of the Republican national committee, and William E., of New Hampshire, secretary in the small hours of the day following the election to claim victory. The chairman had gone to bed, and an edition of the New York Tribune was on the street with an admission of Tilden's election, when Reed burst into the Fifth Avenue Hotel and changed the course of history. He found William E. Chandler just returned after voting in New Hampshire. Word that the Republican committee admitted defeat had reached Reed in the Times office and sent him behind galloping horses to the rescue. It was a famous ride and fateful in its consequences.

Into the details of sharp practices upon both sides, in the election and after, of appeals to fight fire with fire, we need not go. It would be a tortuous journey and wearisome. Mr. Tilden was afflicted with a foolish nephew, and both sides had their tricksters. "Both are damned rascals," a famous radical in Congress was told when an election contest was to be voted upon. "Yes," Thad Stevens replied, "but which is our damned rascal?" Being informed, he supported him. Morasses of corrupt politics in the South were disclosed. Vast possibilities of evil seemed involved in this staggering dispute. Honest men were in despair as partisanship on both sides supported the claims of party, however irregular. Senator George F. Edmunds' device of an electoral commission to pass final judgment was welcomed as furnishing an orderly way out. That body was composed of five justices of the Supreme Court, five