XXIV

A LIVELY YEAR IN STATE POLITICS

THE two great business governors of Massachusetts have been Thomas Talbot and W. Murray Crane. With their administrations - Governor Talbot 18791880, and Governor Crane 1900-1903 the Republican was in close touch. Both of these executives shunned public speech. They sought efficiency of service and counted personal recognition a secondary matter. This point of view had its bearing upon their exceptional success. The secret lay in singleness of purpose, joined with finest business capacity, and the recognition that the administration of public affairs is a matter of business. Not so simple as a single corporate enterprise is the business of the Commonwealth, but requiring the same careful oversight and wisdom of direction and care in management. Alike holding this view of the governorship both were capable of large planning, of obtaining coöperation in their efforts, and of accomplishing results. In these things no other executives of this State in my time are to be compared with them.

The year 1878 saw the election of Governor Talbot and brought a variety of picturesque politics that centered around General Benjamin Franklin Butler, but not to his advantage. In the past

the general had hatched trouble for Republican state conventions, but now he was looking in the other direction. It was a gloomy time in business, with many failures, Alexander H. Rice, rounding out his three terms, had been a perfunctory governor. It had gradually come to be felt that the times demanded positive and definite leadership. Careful survey of the field and study of the possibilities early led the Republican to advocate Talbot. To a like conclusion influential men more slowly came, and in the end Governor Rice and his supporters stood with them.

The reform course of President Hayes awakened response in Massachusetts. The President had removed Collector W. A. Simmons, Butler's "young Christian soldier", from the Boston customhouse, and Alanson W. Beard took charge in March under pledge to administer the office on business principles. Simmons had Methodist affiliations, but was not a meek and lowly Christian in politics. Soon after Beard took charge Mr. Sanborn could say of that hotbed of intrigue in his weekly Boston letter that the customhouse was as much out of politics as Quincy Market. The "young Republicans" of that time most of whom lived to grow into old ones — came to the support of the reform principles the head of the Federal Government had espoused. June an admirable statement and appeal came from these then young men, signed among others by Moorfield Storey, Roger Wolcott, John W. Carter, George M. Towle, Benjamin Kimball and Charles P. Bowditch. In August the young Republicans impressed

By

their views on party leaders through a meeting in Worcester that was representative of the State. By the forward-looking ministrations of that movement some budding politicians got started right.

Having failed after much seeking to induce the Republican party, wherein he had long had prominence, to tender him its gubernatorial nomination, General Butler, greenbacker and bitter opponent of the Hayes Southern policy, turned to the Democracy. Only by force could he obtain potency in that quarter, and this was not withheld. The Democratic state convention in September, 1878, broke the record for riotous performances. Where Butler's ambition was at the fore turbulence was born. The Democratic state committee, being anti-Butler, and ruling too stiffly against him, it became evident the night before the convention in Worcester that by pursuing the regular order the general could not be nominated on the morrow. Hence, many hours after midnight and much growingly heated talk, the Butlerites resolved to capture Mechanics Hall and hold it. Not long before sunrise J. D. Cadle, then our Westfield reporter, brought me the latest Butler plans. He agreed to join his friends in the storming party who were to climb into the hall by a long ladder from the rear — and make record of the early inside proceedings, leaving me more freedom to care for the doings outside and in. E. B. Maynard of Springfield, afterwards judge of the Superior Court, tore his trousers in hastily mounting the ladder, and there were other unconventional incidents.

Daylight revealed the Butler men holding the hall in such determined fashion that the mayor of Worcester could not persuade them to budge. He reported to the state committee that it would be impossible to clear the hall without bloodshed, and

won favor with the Butler forces. The old guard deliberating at the Bay State House, regretfully determined to adjourn the regular party convention to meet in Faneuil Hall at Boston at a later date. When Edward Avery, chairman of the state committee, attempted to tell the Butler gathering, over which David Power of Springfield was temporarily presiding, that they were adjourned he was bitterly denounced and cried down and out of the door. Amid much fiery oratory Butler was nominated for governor, and John F. Arnold of North Adams for lieutenant governor.

It was a day of tempestuous feeling and expression on both sides of the Democratic split. Men of Irish ancestry were mostly with Butler, including the poet John Boyle O'Reilly, but Patrick A. Collins sided with the regulars. He was not in Worcester that day, but took part in the Boston convention. Henry W. Ely of Westfield was for Butler, and Reuben Noble very much against him. Edward H. Lathrop was with Butler, but George M. Stearns and most American Democrats of Springfield and Western Massachusetts were on the other side. There was a continuing row among the brethren that year.

The later Democratic convention in Boston, it may be said, put up Josiah G. Abbott of Boston

for governor, with William R. Plunkett of Pittsfield for lieutenant governor.

There was unity and enthusiasm in the Republican state convention which followed next day on the heels of the democratic discord, where Thomas Talbot was named for governor, and John D. Long for lieutenant governor. Republicans were mightily relieved to be rid of Butler. For head of the ticket Talbot received 851 votes to 266 for Long. This served to put the growingly popular speaker of the Massachusetts House of Representatives in line for the governorship and the other public honors Mr. Long carried off.

Coming out of the three days of political conflict in Worcester throughly wearied, and with another night of toil ahead, I came upon more politics at the railroad station. A crowd had gathered about the smoking car of our train and cause for the excitement was sought. General Butler was aboard, and sitting in the seat behind him was the editor of the Springfield Evening Union, with opportunity to hear much. My duty seemed clear. Pushing through the crowded aisle to where a seat had been turned and the hero of the moment sat with three friends, I asked the person next General Butler if he would not loan me his seat for a few minutes, as I must talk to the General. This he readily did. Telling the general of my connection with the Republican I began to ask questions.

"I don't know you, young man, and you can't interview me!" was the gruff opening.

"But, General, I've just come from the Republican