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the United States and other creditor nations because of the apparent sacrifice of some of their claims, which may be just or may be grossly exaggerated, but which the United States Government cannot inquire into without giving grounds of offence to other friendly creditor nations. Still further illustrations might easily be furnished of the hopelessness of the present situation growing out of the social disorders and the bankrupt finances of the Dominican Republic, where for considerable periods during recent years the bonds of civil society have been practically dissolved.

Under the accepted law of nations foreign governments are within their right, if they choose to exercise it, when they actively intervene in support of the contractual claims of their subjects. They sometimes exercise this power, and on account of commercial rivalries there is a growing tendency on the part of other governments more and more to aid diplomatically in the enforcement of the claims of their subjects. In view of the dilemma in which the Government of the United States is thus placed it must either adhere to its usual attitude of non-intervention in such cases an attitude proper under normal conditions, but one which in this particular kind of case results to the disadvantage of its citizens in comparison with those of other states — or else it must, in order to be consistent in its policy, actively intervene to protect the contracts and concessions of its citizens engaged in agriculture, commerce, and transportation in competition with the subjects and citizens of other states. This course would render the United States the insurer of all the speculative risks of its citizens in the public securities and franchises of Santo Domingo.

Under the plan in the protocol herewith submitted to the Senate, insuring a faithful collection and application of the revenues to the specified objects, we are well assured that this difficult task can be accomplished with the friendly cooperation and good will of all the parties concerned, and to the great relief of the Dominican Republic.

In this case, fortunately, the prudent and far-seeing statesmanship of the Dominican Government has relieved us of all trouble. At their request we have entered into the agreement herewith submitted. Under it the custom-houses will be administered peacefully, honestly, and economically, 45 per cent of the proceeds being turned over to the Dominican Government and the remainder being used by the United States to pay what proportion of the debts it is possible to pay on an equitable basis. The Republic will be secured against over-seas aggression. This in reality entails no new obligation upon us, for the Monroe doctrine means precisely such a guaranty on our part.

It is perhaps unnecessary to state that no step of any kind has been taken by the Administration under the terms of the protocol which is herewith submitted.

The Republic of Santo Domingo has by this protocol wisely and patriotically accepted the responsibilities as well as the privileges of liberty, and is showing with evident good faith its purpose to pay all that its resources will permit of its obligations. More than this it cannot do, and when it has done this we should not permit it to be molested. We on our part are simply performing in peaceful manner, not only with the cordial aquiescence, but in accordance with the earnest request of the Government concerned, part of that international duty which is necessarily involved in the assertion of the Monroe doctrine. We are bound to show that we perform this duty in good faith, and without any intention of aggrandizing ourselves at the expense of our weaker neighbours or of conducting ourselves otherwise than so as to benefit both these weaker neighbours and those European powers which may be brought into contact with them. It is in the highest degree necessary that we should prove by our action that the world may trust in our good faith and may understand that this international duty will be performed by us within our own sphere, in the interest not merely of ourselves, but of all other nations, and with strict justice toward all. If this is done a general acceptance of the Monroe Doctrine will in the end surely follow; and this will mean an increase of the sphere in which peaceful measures for the settlement of international difficulties gradually displace those of a warlike character.

We can point with just pride to what we have done in Cuba as a guaranty of our good faith. We stayed in Cuba only so long as to start her aright on the road to self-government, which she has since trod with such marked and distinguished success; and upon leaving the island we exacted no conditions save such as would prevent her from ever becoming the prey of the stranger. Our purpose in Santo Domingo is as beneficent. The good that this country got from its action in Cuba was indirect rather than direct. So it is as regards Santo Domingo. The chief material advantage that will come from the action proposed to be taken will be to Santo Domingo itself and to Santo Domingo's creditors. The advantages that will come to the United States will be indirect, but nevertheless great, for it is supremely to our interest that all the communities immediately south of us should be or become prosperous and stable, and therefore not merely in name but in fact independent and selfgoverning

I call attention to the urgent need of prompt action on this matter. We now have a great opportunity to secure peace and stability in the island, without friction or bloodshed, by acting in accordance with the cordial invitation of the governmental authorities themselves. It will be unfortunate from every standpoint if we fail to grasp this opportunity; for such failure will probably mean increasing revolutionary violence in Santo Domingo, and very possibly embarrassing foreign complications in addition. This protocol affords a practical test of the efficiency of the United States Government in maintaining the Monroe doctrine. (Message of President Roosevelt to the Senate, February, 1905.)

NOTE. — The plan of President Roosevelt was carried out in substance, and for the last few years an American Receiver General of Customs has controlled Dominican finances.

38. Resolution of the Fourth International American Congress

establishing the Pan-American Union, 1910 The Fourth International American Conference, assembled at Buenos Aires resolves:

Article 1. To maintain under the name of “Union of American Republics” the International Union created by the First and confirmed by the Second and Third Conferences, and under the name of “Pan-American Union," the institution serving as its agent and having its seat in the building of the American Republics in the city of Washington, D.C.

The purposes of the Pan-American Union are the following:

1. To compile and distribute commercial information and prepare commercial reports.

2. To compile and classify information respecting the treaties and conventions between the American Republics and between these and other States, and respecting their legislation in force.

3. To supply information on educational matters.

4. To prepare reports on questions assigned to it by resolutions of the International American Conferences.

5. To assist in obtaining the ratification of the resolutions and conventions adopted by the Conferences.

6. To carry into effect all resolutions the execution of which may have been assigned or may hereafter be assigned to it by the International American Conferences.

7. To act as a permanent committee of the International American Conferences, recommending topics to be included in the programme of the next Conference. These subjects must be communicated to the various Governments forming the Union at least six months before the date of the meeting of the next Conference.

8. To submit within the same period a report to the various Governments on the work of the Pan-American Union during the term covered since the meeting of the last Conference, and also special reports on any matter which may have been referred to it for report.

9. To keep the records of the International American Conferences.

Art. II. The control of the Pan-American Union is vested in a governing board consisting of the diplomatic representatives of all the Governments of said Republics accredited to the Government of the United States of America and the Secretary of State of the United States, upon whom the American Republics have conferred the chairmanship of the governing board.

Art. III. Any diplomatic representative unable to attend the meetings of the board may transmit his vote, stating his reason therefor in writing. A representation by proxy is prohibited.

Any Republic having no representative accredited before the Government of the United States of America may designate a member of the governing board to represent said Republic in the Union of American Republics, and in this case said representative shall have a vote for each country represented.

Art. IV. The governing board shall hold a regular meeting the first Wednesday of every month, excepting the months of June, July, and August, and special meetings at the call of the chairman, issued on his own initiative or at the request of two members of the board.

The attendance of five members at any regular or special meeting shall be sufficient to permit the board to proceed with the transaction of business.

Art. V. In the absence of the Secretary of State of the United States of America the meetings of the governing board shall be presided over by one of the diplomatic representatives in Washington then present by order of rank and seniority and with the title of vice-chairman.

Art. VI. At the regular meeting to be held in November the governing board shall fix by lot the order of precedence among all the representatives of the American Republics forming the Union in order to create a supervisory committee. The first four on this list and the Secretary of State of the United States of America shall constitute the first supervisory committee, and the four members of the committee shall be replaced by

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