But this is not all.-Such vast assemblages of working-men, thrown out of work simultaneously, will, to the end of time, inevitably generate acts of violence and deeds of blood. Oppression towards their fellow-creatures is the necessary and universal result of the congregation of thirty or forty thousand idle, unrestrained men together-nothing short of military discipline can ever restrain them. Among such vast bodies, there will always be found many daring reckless characters, who will not scruple to perpetrate acts of the greatest atrocity, to forward the purposes of the union. It is not in human nature to sit with its hands across, and see strangers introduced to work at reduced wages, and thus defeat all the purposes of the combination, without taking the short and simple way of knocking them on the head. The rapid growth of the atrocious practice of throwing vitriol in the manufacturing districts, proves how general the operation of these principles has become. It is truly observed in a late publication on this subject

"If the working classes could be brought to combine without using violence towards those who do not enter into their views, the evil, how great soever, would be comparatively inconsiderable to what is now presented; but, unfortunately, this never can be the case. Among the thousands and tens of thousands who are combined together to gain these common objects, there always have been, and always will be, found some reck less and worthless characters who will not scruple to exert violence, or even embrue their hands in the blood of such of their fellow-citizens as, by holding out, threaten to defeat the object of their com bination. To the end of time such worthless characters will be found in all

large bodies of mankind; they may be calculated upon as a given quantity to the last days of the world; and therefore, violence, intimidation, and bloodshed may be permanently expected to attend such combinations. The trades' unions, therefore, however plausible in theory, become, in practice, the mere association of violence and tyranny, over industry and peace; they are the engine by which the most lawless and reckless of society

are enabled securely to exercise a grinding oppression over the more quiet and inoffensive. They subvert the whole objects of society, defeat the chief ends of the social union, and expose the poor to a tyranny the more galling and dangerous, that it is exercised by men of their own rank in society, and supported by the physical strength of vast masses in the state.'

But suppose that this were not to be the result, and that by a simultaneous strike of several hundred thousand men, over the whole country, the present object of obtaining a deduction of two hours a-day from the period of work is gained - What will be the result? Will wages remain at their present level, low as it is, under such a reduction? Unquestionably not. They will, and must fall, just in proportion to the diminution in the produce of looms; and the condition of the workman will be more miserable than ever. By no human contrivance-by no "inert intimidation or violence, or conspiracy," can capitalists and masters be compelled to pay wages, which are a loss to themselves, or abridge materially the present slender rate of profits:-rather than do so, capital will take wings to itself, and emigrate to other and more tranquil lands; and the peopled houses of Britain will be filled with starving millions, deprived by their own suicidal hands of the means of subsistence.

The frantic anarchical course which the workmen are now pursuing, therefore, is as little calculated to afford the many effectual relief, as the blind and infatuated support of the democratic faction in towns has been; while it threatens to produce results more immediately ruinous and destructive than even the Reform Bill, that stupendous monument of general infatuation, is in the course of effecting. The one is a burning delirium, which will at once prostrate the patriot; the other a low fever, which will gradually, but certainly, exhaust his strength.

An extensive struggle has lately broke out in the west of Scot

to the nation. By a cordial union with, and support of, the Conservative body; by a junction of the strength of the agricultural and manufacturing producers, they may yet shake off the monstrous load of shopkeepers, money-lenders, and traders who have risen into such fatal preeminence on their distresses. The classes who constitute the ten millions will be too strong, if united in a constitutional struggle, for the five; the producers of four hundred millions a-year of produce must, in the end, if they will only act together, overcome those who produce one. The Reform Bill, indeed, has quadrupled the political power of the urban and monied party, and reduced to less than a half the forces of industry; the manufacturing operatives have to thank themselves for having given this monstrous addition to the forces of their adversaries, and weakened so alarmingly the strength of their friends. Still the case is not utterly hopeless; their own acts are likely to relieve them; the extremity of suffering, which they have brought upon themselves, may perhaps prove the means of dispelling the universal delusions by which they have been blinded. But let us not be misunderstood; it is by constitutional means, and constitutional means alone, that the bat tle must be fought; the Conserva◄ tives never can, and never will, become Radicals; the Operatives must become Conservatives. We do not say Conservatives, in the false and odious sense in which the falsehood of the urban consumers uses it,-that is, as the supporters of unjust or corrupt power, such as the Democrats falsely assert governed the country before the Reform Bill,-we say Conservatives in the sense in which, and in which alone, we have ever supported it; as the defenders of all the great interests in the State, and especially of the vast bodies of agricultural and manufacturing producers, from whose labours four-fifths of the national income flows; by whose hands all classes are fed and clothed, and lodged. We say Conservatives, not as the enemies of the real and just interests of the consumers and monied men, but of that unjust and oppressive advantage which they have gained by the towndirected legislation of the last fifteen

years, and which has brought on the nation the unspeakable calamities of free trade, contracted currency, Democratic Government, and the threatened change in the Corn Laws. We say Conservatives, as the steady friends of the Church, the shield of the poor against infidel attack and city corruption; as the supporters of the national faith against the combined attacks of Radical violence and public suffering, and as thoroughly convinced that it is only by doing justice, and protecting equally all interests, and most of all the Funds, the great Savings' Bank of the poor, that the national salvation can be accomplished. We say Conservatives, not as deluded by the idea so lamentably prevalent of late years, that it is by destroying the interests, either of rural or urban producers, by the free and unrequited admission of foreign produce, that the great surplus revenue of the nation, the fountain of prosperity to all classes, can be augmented; but by such protecting measures as will secure to our operatives, whether in town or country, a due return for the fruits of their toil, and cease to grind down the British labourers for the benefit of the city Democrats, or the advantage of foreign states.

The views we have now sketched out, explain that gradual, but evidently increasing approximation of the Conservatives and the industrious classes, at which the Whigs so loudly exclaim as a monstrous union of Tories and Radicals. This outcry comes with peculiar consistency and good grace from the correspondents of political unions, from those who bowed to deputations headed by tailors, from the advocates of the brickbat and the bludgeon, and the Journals who, by the open threat of Radical violence, overturned the constitution. The approximation proceeds from no political coalition, from no insidious or designing ambition. It is the result of the experience of common injury; of the instinct which leads men, of whatever opposite opinions, on most subjects, to unite against those by whom they have both suffered wrong. But it must be a very different coalition from that which history will for ever execrate; be attended by no such de

reliction of public duty as that of their opponents. What the servile ministerial Press, the Receivers of mandates from Lord Brougham and Holland House, call an union of Tories and Radicals, must be founded on very different principles from that atrocious combination of monied ambition and Radical delusion which has produced, and is producing, such fatal consequences. It must be founded on an abandonment of all anarchical designs, and all demonstrations of violence by the latter, and of all monied delusions by the former; a return by our rulers to the principles of just remuneration to productive industry, whether in town or country, and by our people to the subordination and loyalty of former times; a recurrence, in short, to the true

principles and practice of the constitution, before the disastrous days of monied ambition, cheap labour, free trade, and Democratic, that is city ascendency. Whether by these or any other methods, it is possible to get the better of the Reform Bill, and the decisive superiority it has given to consumers over producers in the legislature, is perhaps doubtful; but this much at least seems certain, that in no other way is so fair a prospect even opened of shunning perdition, or avoiding that gradual but unceasing degradation of the working classes, and the Conservatives who depend on their labour, which has been constantly increasing since the deporable era when the Nation was surrendered to the guidance of its democratic deceivers.

Castle Elmere, June 10, 18-. "HERE, my dear Katharine, I am still -not carried off to the mountains by any of the savage Irish-not even penitent for my folly in coming into this land of barbarism and holy water-(too holy, defamers would say, to be employed in very necessary ablutions)-but, let dear Aunt Sarah remember, my own land after all. Here I am, and in my mind the fixed resolve never to rest contented, until I have wiled you hither, and won you to a knowledge, that the report of our poor people's misdeeds is fearfully exaggerated by the distance to which it is borne. Ah! Kate, we suffer much wrong-the pictures of us are very frightful-but, had a lion been the painter!' We are the prey of more ignoble brutes, who slander us as unworthy of trust or regard, and are full of indignation, because, now and then, some victim cries out, and complains of his affliction. Lie still, cries the horrid Polyphemus,-I have no pleasure in my dinner while you scream so;but I forget, he slew his prey before he devoured it. Here our torturers prefer the Abyssinian practice, and

would drag life from their miserable victims by degrees. Who can wonder that the murmurs of the wretched shall not be modulated into mu

sic for them?

"Thank God! thank God! my dear friend, in our peaceful retreat no such murmurings distress us, and no despair is to be dreaded. My window at which I write, is openit is midnight-and midnight still as is now shining on your own beautiful Wycombe. How powerfully I am recalled to the hours, when the dawn stole unobserved on our prolonged good-nights and musings, when we spoke not, but sat together in the shade of your window's deep recess, and felt as if we understood the nightingale's song, and listened to it as the voice of our unspoken emotions. Do you remember, Katharine, when the notes were changed, and the lark that sung so out of tune, straining harsh discords and unpleasing sharps, proclaimed, that the world was come again; and that if we would continue to dream, we must qualify by sleeping?-What a painful endowment memory would be, if we had not hope to beguile it!

I do indeed, Katharine, earnestly