that the candidate should address every voter by his name; it was a fiction of Republican etiquette, that every man participating in the political privileges of the state must be personally known to public aspirants. But, as this was supposed to be, in a literal sense, impossible to all men with the ordinary endowments of memory, in order to reconcile the pretensions of Republican hauteur with the necessities of human weakness, a custom had grown up of relying upon a class of men, called nomenclators, whose express business and profession it was to make themselves acquainted with the person and name of every citizen. One of these people accompanied every candidate, and quietly whispered into his ear the name of each voter as he came in sight. Few, indeed, were they who could dispense with the services of such an assessor; for the office imposed a twofold memory, that of names and of persons; and to estimate the immensity of the effort, we must recollect that the number of voters often far exceeded one quarter of a million. The very same trial of memory he undertook with respect to his own army, in this instance recalling the well-known feat of Mithridates. And throughout his life he did not once forget the face or name of any veteran soldier whom he had ever had occasion to notice, no matter under what remote climate, or under what difference of circumstances. Wonderful is the effect upon soldiers of such enduring and separate remembrance, which operates always as the most touching kind of personal flattery, and which, in every age of the world, since the social sensibilities of men have been much developed, military command ers are found to have played upon as the most effectual chord in the great system which they modulated; some few, by a rare endowment of nature; others, as Napoleon Bonaparte, by elaborate mimicries of pantomimic art.* Other modes he had of winning affection from the army; in particular that, so often practised before and since, of accommodating himself to the strictest ritual of martial discipline and castrensian life. He slept in the open air, or, if he used a tent (papilio), it was open at the sides. He ate the ordinary rations of cheese, bacon, &c.; he used no other drink than that composition of vinegar and water, known by the name of posca, which formed the sole beverage allowed in the Roman camps. He joined personally in the periodical exercises of the army - those even which were trying to the most vigorous youth and health: marching, for example, on stated occasions, twenty English miles without intermission, in full armour and completely accoutred. Luxury of every kind he not only interdicted to the soldier by severe ordinances, himself enforcing their execution, but discountenanced it (though elsewhere splendid and even gorgeous in his personal habits) by his own continual example. In dress, for instance, he sternly banished the purple and gold embroideries, the jewelled arms, and the floating draperies so little in accordance with the severe character of " war in procinct."+ Hardly would he allow himself an ivory hilt to his sabre. The same severe proscription he extended to every sort of furniture, or decorations of art, which sheltered even in the bosom of camps those habits of effeminate luxury-so apt In the true spirit of Parisian mummery, Bonaparte caused letters to be written from the War-office, in his own name, to particular soldiers of high military reputation in every brigade, (whose private history he had previously caused to be investigated,) alluding circumstantially to the leading facts in their personal or family career; a furlough accompanied this letter, and they were requested to repair to Paris, where the Emperor anxiously desired to see them. Thus was the paternal interest expressed, which their leader took in each man's fortunes; and the effect of every such letter, it was not doubted, would diffuse itself through ten thousand other men. "War in procinct"-a phrase of Milton's in Paradise Regained, which strikingly illustrates his love of Latin phraseology; for unless to a scholar, previously acquainted with the Latin phrase of in procinctu, it is so absolutely unintelligible as to interrupt the current of the feeling. in all great empires to steal by imperceptible steps from the voluptuous palace to the soldier's tent-following in the equipage of great leading officers, or of subalterns highly connected. There was at that time a practice prevailing, in the great standing camps on the several frontiers and at all the military stations, of renewing as much as possible the image of distant Rome by the erection of long colonnades and piazzas-single, double, or triple; of crypts, or subterranean saloons, (and sometimes subterranean galleries and corridors,) for evading the sultry noontides of July and August; of verdant cloisters or arcades, with roofs high over-arched, constructed entirely out of flexile shrubs, boxmyrtle, and others, trained and trimmed in regular forms; besides endless other applications of the topiary art, which in those days (like the needle-work of Miss Linwood in ours), though no more than a mechanic craft, in some measure realized the effects of a fine art by the perfect skill of its execution. All these modes of luxury, with a policy that had the more merit as it thwart ed his own private inclinations, did Hadrian peremptorily abolish; perhaps, amongst other more obvious purposes, seeking to intercept the earliest buddings of those local attachments which are as injurious to the martial character and the proper pursuits of men whose vocation obliges them to consider themselves eternally under marching orders, as they are propitious to all the best interests of society in connexion with the feelings of civic life. We dwell upon this prince not without reason in this particular; for amongst the Cæsars, Hadrian stands forward in high relief as a reformer of the army. Well and truly might it be said of him-that, post Cæsarem Octavianum labantem disciplinam, incuriâ superiorum principum, ipse retinuit. Not content with the cleansings and purgations we have mentioned, he placed upon a new footing the whole tenure, duties, and pledges, of military offices.‡ It cannot much surprise us that this department of the public service should gradually have gone to ruin or decay. Under the Senate and People, under the auspices of those awful symbols-letters more significant and ominous than ever before had troubled the eyes of man, except upon Belshazzar's wall-S. P. Q. R., the officers of the Roman army had been kept true to their duties, and vigilant by emulation and a healthy ambition. But, when the ripeness of corruption had by dissolving the body of the state brought out of its ashes a new mode of life, and had recast the aristocratic re "Crypts"-these, which Spartian, in his life of Hadrian, denominates simply cryptæ, are the same which, in the Roman jurisprudence, and in the architectural works of the Romans yet surviving, are termed hypogææ deambulationes, i. e. subterranean parades. Vitruvius treats of this luxurious class of apartments in connexion with the Apothecæ, and other repositories or store-rooms, which were also in many cases under ground, for the same reason as our ice-houses, wine-cellars, &c. He (and from him Pliny and Apollonaris Sidonius,) calls them crypto-porticus (cloistral colonnades;) and Ulpian calls them refugia (sanctuaries, or places of refuge); St Ambrose notices thein under the name of hypogaa and umbrosa penetralia, as the resorts of voluptuaries: Luxuriosorum est, says he, hypogaa quærere—captantium frigus æstivum; and again he speaks of desidiosi qui ignava sub terris agant otia. "The topiary art”—so called, as Salmasius thinks, from rozes, a rope; because the process of construction was conducted chiefly by means of cords and strings. This art was much practised in the 17th century; and Casaubon describes one, which existed in his early days somewhere in the suburbs of Paris, on so elaborate a scale, that it represented Troy besieged, with the two hosts, their several leaders, and all other objects in their full proportion. Very remarkable it is, and a fact which speaks volumes as to the democratic constitution of the Roman army, in the midst of that aristocracy which enveloped its parent state in a civil sense, that although there was a name for a common soldier (or sentinel, as he was termed by our ancestors)-viz. miles gregarius, or miles manipularis-there was none for an officer; that is to say, each several rank of officers had a name; but there was no generalization to express the idea of an officer ab. stracted from its several species or classes. 3 R VOL. XXXV. NO. CCXXIII. public, by aid of its democratic elements then suddenly victorious, into a pure autocracy-whatever might be the advantages in other respects of this great change, in one point it had certainly injured the public service, by throwing the higher military appointments, all in fact which conferred any authority, into the channels of court favour-and by consequence into a mercenary disposal. Each successive Emperor had been too anxious for his own immediate security, to find leisure for the remoter interests of the empire: all looked to the army, as it were for their own immediate security against competitors, without venturing to tamper with its constitution, to risk popularity by reforming abuses, to balance present interest against a remote one, or to cultivate the public welfare at the hazard of their own: contented with obtaining that, they left the internal arrangements of so formidable a body in the state to which circumstances had brought it, and to which naturally the views of all existing beneficiaries had gradually adjusted themselves. What these might be, and to what further results they might tend, was a matter of moment doubtless to the empire. But the empire was strong; if its motive energy was decaying, its vis inertia was for ages enormous, and could stand up against assaults_repeated for many ages: whilst the Emperor was in the beginning of his authority weak, and pledged by instant interest, no less than by express promises, to the support of that body whose favour had substantially supported himself. Hadrian was the first who turned his attention effectually in that direction; whether it were that he first was struck with the tendency of the abuses, or that he valued the hazard less which he incurred in correcting them, or that -having no successor of his own blood-he had a less personal and affecting interest at stake in setting this hazard at defiance. Hitherto, the highest regimental rank, that of Tribune, had been disposed of in two ways, either civilly upon popular favour and election, or upon the express recommendation of the soldiery. This custom had prevailed under the Republic, and the force of habit had availed to propagate that practice under a new mode of government. But now were introduced new regulations: the Tribune was selected for his military qualities and experience: none was appointed to this important office, " nisi barbá plená." The Centurion's truncheon,* again, was given to no man, “nisi robusto et bonæ fame." The arms and military appointments (supellectilis) were revised; the register of names was duly called over; and none suffered to remain in the camps who was either above or below the military age. The same vigilance and jealousy were extended to the great stationary stores and repositories of biscuit, vinegar, and other equipments for the soldiery. All things were in constant readiness in the capital and the provinces, in the garrisons and camps, abroad and at home, to meet the outbreak of a foreign war or a domestic sedition. Whatever were the service, it could by no possibility find Hadrian unprepared. And he first, in fact, of all the Cæsars, restored to its ancient Republican standard, as reformed and perfected by Marius, the old martial discipline of the Scipios and the Paulli-that discipline, to which, more than to any physical superiority of her soldiery, Rome had been indebted for her conquest of the earth; and which had inevitably decayed in the long series of wars growing out of personal ambition. From the days of Marius, every great leader had sacrificed to the necessities of courting favour from the troops, as much as was possible of the hardships incident to actual service, and as much as he dared of the once * Vitis: and it deserves to be mentioned, that this staff, or cudgel, which was the official ensign and cognizance of the Centurion's dignity, was meant expressly to be used in caning or cudgelling the inferior soldiers: "propterea vitis in manum data," says Salmasius, "verberando scilicet militi qui deliquisset." We are no patrons of corporal chastisement, which, on the contrary, as the vilest of degradations, we abominate. The soldier, who does not feel himself dishonoured by it, is already dishonoured beyond hope or redemption. But still let this degradation not be im puted to the English army exclusively. rigorous discipline. Hadrian first found himself in circumstances, or was the first who had courage enough to decline a momentary interest in favour of a greater in reversion; and a personal object which was transient, in favour of a state one continually revolving. guardian of the public and private interests which composed the great edifice of the social system as then existing amongst his subjects. Above all, and out of his own private purse, he supported the heraldries of his dominions-the peerage, senatorial or prætorian, and the great gentry For a prince, with no children of or chivalry of the Equites. These his own, it is in any case a task of were classes who would have been peculiar delicacy to select a succes- dishonoured by the censorship of sor. In the Roman Empire the dif- a less august comptroller. And, ficulties were much aggravated. The for the classes below these, interests of the State were, in the by how much they were lower and first place, to be consulted; for a more remote from his ocular supermighty burthen of responsibility intendence,-by so much the more rested upon the Emperor in the most were they linked to him in a connexpersonal sense. Duties of every ion of absolute dependence. Cæsar kind fell to his station, which, from it was who provided their daily the peculiar constitution of the Go- food, Cæsar who provided their vernment, and from circumstances pleasures and relaxations. He charrooted in the very origin of the Im- tered the fleets which brought grain peratorial office, could not be de- to the Tiber-he bespoke the Sardivolved upon a council. Council nian granaries whilst yet unformed there was none, nor could be recog--and the harvests of the Nile whilst nised as such in the State-machinery. The Emperor, himself a sacred and sequestered creature, might be supposed to enjoy the secret tutelage of the Supreme Deity; but a council, composed of subordinate and respon sible agents, could not. Again, the auspices of the Emperor, and his edicts, apart even from any celestial or supernatural inspiration, simply as emanations of his own divine character, had a value and a consecration which could never belong to those of a council-or to those even which had been sullied by the breath of any less august reviser. The Emperor, therefore, or-as with a view to his solitary and unique character we ought to call him-in the original irrepresentable term, the Imperator, could not delegate his duties, or execute them in any avowed form by proxies or representa tives. He was himself the great fountain of law-of honour-of preferment-of civil and political regulations. He was the fountain also of good and evil fame. He was the great Chancellor, or supreme dispenser of equity to all climates, nations, languages, of his mighty dominions, which connected the turbaned races of the Orient, and those who sat in the gates of the rising sun, with the islands of the West, and the unfathomed depths of the mysterious Scandinavia. He was the universal yet unsown. Not the connexion between a mother and her unborn infant is more intimate and vital, than that which subsisted between the mighty populace of the Roman capital and their paternal Emperor. They drew their nutriment from him; they lived and were happy by sympathy with the motions of his will; to him also the arts, the knowledge, and the literature of the empire looked for support. To him the ar mies looked for their laurels, and the eagles in every clime turned their aspiring eyes, waiting to bend their flight according to the signal of his Jovian nod. And all these vast functions and ministrations arose partly as a natural effect, but partly also they were a cause of the Emperor's own divinity. He was capable of services so exalted, because he also was held a god, and had his own altars, his own incense, his own worship and priests. And that was the cause, and that was the result of his bearing, on his own shoulders, a burthen so mighty and Atlantean. Yet, if in this view it was needful to have a man of talent, on the other hand there was reason to dread a man of talents too adventurous-too aspiring-or too intriguing. His situation, as Cæsar, or Crown Prince, flung into his hands a power of fomenting conspiracies, and of concealing them until the very moment of explosion-which made him an object of almost exclusive terror to his principal, the Cæsar Augustus. His situation again, as an heir voluntarily adopted, made him the proper object of public affection and caresses— which became peculiarly embarrass-, ing to one who had, perhaps, soon found reasons for suspecting, fearing, and hating him beyond all other men. The young nobleman, whom Hadrian adopted by his earliest choice, was Lucius Aurelius Verus, the son of Cejonius Commodus. These names were borne also by the son; but, after his adoption into the Elian family, he was generally known by the appellation of Ælius Verus. The scandal of those times imputed his adoption to the worst motives. "Adriano," says one author, "(ut malevoli loquuntur) acceptior formâ quam moribus." And thus much undoubtedly there is to countenance so shocking an insinuation, that very little is recorded of the young prince but such anecdotes as illustrate his excessive luxury and effeminate dedication to pleasure. Still it is our private opinion, that Hadrian's real motives have been misrepresented; that he sought in the young man's extraordinary beauty-[for he was, says Spartian, pulchritudinis regia a plausible pretext that should be sufficient to explain and to countenance his preference, whilst under this provisional adoption he was enabled to postpone the definitive choice of an Imperator elect, until his own more advanced age might diminish the motives for intriguing against himself. It was, therefore, a mere ad interim adoption; for it is certain, however we may choose to explain that fact, that Hadrian foresaw and calculated on the early death of Elius. This prophetic knowledge may have been grounded on a private familiarity with some constitutional infirmity affecting his daily health, or with some habits of life incompatible with longevity, or with both combined. It is pretended that this distinguished mark of favour was conferred in fulfilment of a direct contract on the Emperor's part, as the price of favours such as the Latin reader will easily understand from the strong expression of Spartian above cited. But it is far more probable that Hadrian relied on this admirable beauty, and allowed it so much weight, as the readiest and most intelligible justification to the multitude, of a choice which thus offered to their homage a public favourite-and to the nobility, of so invidious a preference, which placed one of their own number far above the level of his natural rivals. The necessities of the moment were thus satisfied without present or future danger;-as respected the future, he knew or believed that Verus was marked out for early death; and would often say, in a strain of compliment somewhat disproportionate, applying to him the Virgilian lines on the hopeful and lamented Marcellus, "Ostendent terris hunc tantum fata, neque ultra Esse sinent." And, at the same time, to countenance the belief that he had been disappointed, he would affect to sigh, exclaiming-"Ah! that I should thus fruitlessly have squandered a sum of three millions sterling!" for so much had been distributed in largesses to the people and the army on the occasion of his inauguration. Meantime, as respected the present, the qualities of the young man were amply fitted to sustain a Roman po. pularity; for, in addition to his extreme and statuesque beauty of person, he was (in the report of one who did not wish to colour his character advantageously) "memor familiæ suæ, comptus, decorus, oris venerandi, eloquentiæ celsioris, versu facilis, in republicâ etiamnon inutilis.” Even as a military officer, he had a respectablet character; as an orator he was more than respectable; and in other qualifications less interesting to the populace, he had that • In the original ter millies, which is not much above two millions and 150 thousand pounds sterling; but it must be remembered that one-third as much, in addition to this popular largess, had been given to the army. +" nam bene gestis rebus, vel potius feliciter, etsi non summi-medii tamen obtinuit ducis famam." |