ports in Europe, by virtue of the convention of 3 July, 1815. It does not admit the vessels of the United States into the colonial ports on the same terms as they are admitted into the European ports. It admits them only on a footing of exceptions to a general system of exclusion, and under circumstances of strong and marked discrimination to the advantage of British vessels, with which they must encounter competition in the same intercourse. Their admission is only to certain enumerated ports. They are permitted to introduce only certain enumerated articles from which are excluded many of the most essential articles of the produce of the United States, and most needed in the colonial ports. They are admitted only to a direct trade, both from the United States to the enumerated ports, and from the enumerated ports to the United States. They are subjected to the payment, without credit and before admission, of duties in many cases almost equivalent to prohibition; and to a very heavy export duty, in addition to the duties prescribed by the act of Parliament. Nor does it appear that, with regard to the important article of port charges, they can claim admission upon the same footing as British vessels. To counteract these disadvantages, under which they must submit to enter in competition with British vessels employed in the same navigation, the regulations prescribed in the proclamation, and the additional tonnage and other discriminating duties provided by the laws of the United States, are surely not more than sufficient. Nor can the United States in imposing discriminations, the effect of which will be to restore to their own vessels that equal advantage of competition, of which they would be deprived by discriminations operating against them, be confined to the mere specific counterparts of restrictions instituted by the other party to the commerce. Had they

been so confined, they might have designated a specific list of articles to be admitted from all the British colonies; and, besides subjecting them to duties nearly prohibitory, might have excluded the article of flour, for example, from the list.

The colonies of Great Britain in the West India islands are, in respect to every article of commerce and navigation, as distinct from these in North America, as any two nations are from each other. Separated by an ocean, and having scarcely a single article of commercial interchange in common, the productions of neither can, in the natural course of trade, be objects of export from the other. Instead therefore of excluding from admission all the articles of the produce of both, with the exception of a small enumerated list, the proclamation has authorized the general admission of all the articles from either of its own natural growth or produce, excluding only the admission from either, of those articles which it never could export, but in consequence of their having been before imported to it from abroad.

On the first perusal of the act of Parliament for opening the colonial ports, it was perceived that, to the satisfactory accomplishment of the objects interesting to the commercial intercourse between the United States and the British colonies in America, which it was believed to be the intention of its enactment to promote, a further free communication and understanding between the two governments would be necessary. The proclamation was forthwith issued, commensurate with the authority given to the President by the act of Congress, understood in the most enlarged import of the words in which it was given. And by an immediate instruction to the minister of the United States at London, he was empowered to make known to your government, as well the disposition of this country to meet with

fair and equal reciprocity, this and any overture on the part of Great Britain, for opening the commercial intercourse between the United States and the British colonies in this hemisphere, as the conviction of this government that further measures on both sides would be indispensable, to obtain that result in a manner satisfactory to both. That they may be adopted in concert, either by further legislation, or by convention, is referred to the consideration, and submitted to the option of your government.1

I pray you, etc.

DEAR SIR:

TO JOSEPH HOPKINSON

WASHINGTON, 19th November, 1822.

Perhaps I ought also to thank you for your friendly admonition upon the severity with which I have handled my adversary. It is not in my nature to war with the dead, or to mutilate the corpse of an enemy. If I have suffered my resentment to transport me beyond the bounds of moderation, I must be content that so much should be deducted from the amount of my victory as may offer an atonement to my friends and my country for my portion of the wrong. I take no pleasure in the triumph over a man whom for many years I had considered and treated as a friend. But was it possible to manage this discussion without making it per

1On the same date, November 11, George Canning wrote a dispatch to Stratford Canning calling attention to certain points of the President's proclamation, especially," the absence of any permission to British ships to export from the United States those articles of which our law allows the export on American ships."

sonal as respected him? Was it possible to expose the substitution of the duplicate for the original letter, and yet to profess respect for the integrity or regard for the character of the perpetrator? In combating errors of opinion merely or political prejudices, however mischievous, I acknowledge the duty and well understand the policy of sparing the person; but where perverseness of intellect has been only the pander to turpitude of heart, how shall Christian meekness itself speak its feelings but in the language of indignation? Such is the reasoning by which I justify to myself that part of my book which cooler judges ascribe to irritation of temper. On the general principle that the coolest is the most correct judge, I am disposed to acquiesce in your opinion and to plead only in mitigation.

The national politics of Pennsylvania with reference to the present administration are sound. With regard to the future I presume they are intelligible to those who manage them. An interest prematurely excited and growing from day to day more intense there as elsewhere, is fixing upon persons and not upon principles as the rallying points for settling the succession to the chief magistracy. I say upon persons and not upon principles, because, although there is a great effort making to revive a strife of principles which did heretofore exist, yet there is and will be no contest of principles to operate upon measures. They will only be brought into play to operate upon men. The sympathies of Pennsylvania so far as they have been hitherto disclosed seem to lean to the south, and to be divided only as the south is divided against itself. Whether a coalition with the west would not be more congenial to her own interest and more suitable to that of the Union, she is best able to judge for herself. The west is also divided and will most probably be so to the end. Pennsylvania will ultimately conclude to go

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with the majority and if possible to make the majority. Her policy therefore is to keep her vote in reserve, and those who have been in such haste to commit her have been playing their own game much more than hers, but most especially the game of him against whom they have been inveterate. It appears in short to me to be on all sides a game of blindman's buff, and I am utterly unable to divine whose turn it will next be to step into the ring. Mrs. Adams desires to be affectionately remembered to your lady and family and is in eager expectation of the pleasure of seeing Miss Hopkinson here. She was so much delighted with her visit to Borden Town that the remembrance of it yet enlivens the present and will long cheer the future hours of her existence.

The long expected race of the Northern and Southern Main coursers has terminated in disappointment.1 The horse of the challenger by some accident had been lamed. He was brought upon the course only to be withdrawn from it and the forfeit was paid, but as the lameness was not perceptible to unpracticed eyes, he was injudiciously again brought out by his owner to run a single heat of four miles for 1000 or 1500 dollars, and was completely broken down in the attempt — totally and centrally eclipsed.

1 Sir Charles, of Virginia, against Eclipse, of New York, both having as grandsire an imported horse, Old Diomed.