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XXII.

SECESSION.

those of Missouri (9) and 3, as aforesaid, from New Jersey. But, though nowhere in the Electoral, Mr. Douglas was second in the Popular, vote, as will be seen by the following table, wherein the "Fusion" vote is divided between the parties which contributed to it, according to the best estimate that can now be made of their strength respectively:

STATES.
New Hampshire..
Massachusetts
Rhode Island...

Connecticut...

Vermont
New York.

New Jersey:

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Michigan.

88,480

160,215
65,057

2,404

4,913

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Wisconsin.

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Minnesota..
Iowa...

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Ohio
Indiana.....
Illinois.

THE choice of Presidential Electors, which formerly took place at the discretion of the several States within a limited range, is now required, by act of Congress, to be made on the same day throughoutnamely, on the Tuesday next succeeding the first Monday in November. This fell, in 1860, on the 6th of the month; and it was known, before that day had fully expired, that ABRAHAM LINCOLN had been clearly Maine... designated by the People for their next President, through the choice by his supporters of a majority of the whole number of Electors. Every Free State but New Jersey had chosen the entire Lincoln Electoral ticket; and in New Jersey the refusal of part of the Douglas men to support the "Fusion" ticket (composed of three Douglas, two Bell, and two Breckinridge men), had allowed four of the Lincoln Electors to slip in over the two Bell and the two Breckinridge Electors on the regular Democratic ticket. The three Lincoln Electors who had to confront the full vote of the coalesced anti-Republican parties were defeated by about 4,500 majority. And, although this was not ascertained that night, nor yet Florida.... the fact that California and Oregon had gone with the other free States, yet there were 169 Lincoln Electors.

California..
Oregon.
Total Free States..1,831,180 1,128,049 279,211 130,151

Fusion" vote apportioned according to the estima-
ted strength of the several contributing parties.
SLAVE STATES.

STATES.

Delaware.

Maryland..

Virginia..

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North Carolina... (no ticket)
South Carolina... [Chosen by the Legislature.]
Georgia.... (no ticket)

Alabama...

Mississippi
Tennessee.

Kentucky

Missouri..
Arkansas.
Louisiana

Texas.

(no ticket)
(no ticket)
1,361
(no ticket)
17,028

(no ticket)

(no ticket)
(no ticket)

2,701 48,589

44,990

11.590 51.889

42,886

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(no ticket) (no ticket) 47,548 +15,433 Total Slave States.. 26,480 163,525 570,871 515,978 Grand Total......1,857,610 1,291,574 850,082 646,124

This anti-Breckinridge vote was cast for a "Fusion" Bell men.

chosen (out of 303) outside of these Electoral ticket, but almost entirely by old Whigs' or

three States; with these, Mr. Lincoln had 180, to 123 for all others. Of these, Breckinridge had 72; Bell 39 (from Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee); and Douglas barely 12

Lincoln over Donglas, 566,036; Do. over Bell, 1,211,486; do, over Breckinridge, 1,007,528.

Lincoln has less than all his opponents combined, by 980,170.

Breckinridge had in the Slave States over Bell, 54,898; do. over Douglas, 407,846; do. over Douglas and Lincoln, 380,916.

Breckinridge lacks of a majority in the Slave States, 135,057.

THE SOUTH ON LINCOLN'S ELECTION.

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next to the all but impossible success of their own candidate—preferred that of the Republicans.' In the Senate throughout the preceding Session, at Charleston, at Baltimore, and ever since, they had acted precisely as they would have done, had they preeminently desired Mr. Lincoln's success, and determined to do their best to secure it.

And now, a large majority of Lincoln Electors had been carried, rendering morally certain his choice by the Electoral Colleges next month, and his inauguration on the 4th of March ensuing. So the result contemplated and labored for by at least two of the four contending parties in the canvass had been secured. What next?

From an early stage of the can- | events, throughout the Slave States vass, the Republicans could not help seeing that they had the potent aid, in their efforts, of the good wishes for their success of at least a large proportion of the advocates of Breckinridge and Lane. The toasts drunk with most enthusiasm at the Fourthof-July celebrations throughout South Carolina pointed to the probable election of Mr. Lincoln as the necessary prelude to movements whereon the hearts of all Carolinians were intent. Southern "Fire-Eaters" canvassed the Northern States in behalf of Breckinridge and Lane, but very much to the satisfaction of the friends of Lincoln and Hamlin. The "Fusion" arrangements, whereby it was hoped, at all events, to defeat Lincoln, were not generally favored by the "Fire-Eaters" who visited the North, whether intent on politics, business, or pleasure; and, in some instances, those who sought to commend themselves to the favor of their Southern patrons or customers, by an exhibition of zeal in the "Fusion" cause, were quietly told: "What you are doing looks not to the end we desire we want Lincoln elected." In no Slave State did the supporters of Breckinridge unite in any "Fusion" movement whatever; and it was a very open secret that the friends of Breckinridge generally-at all

1 The Washington Star, then a Breckinridge organ, noticing, in September, 1860, the conversion of Senator Clingman, of North Carolina, from the support of Douglas to that of Breckinridge, said:

In October, 1856, a Convention of Southern Governors was held at Raleigh, N. C., at the invitation of Gov. Wise, of Virginia. This gathering was kept secret at the time; but it was afterward proclaimed by Gov. Wise that, had Fremont been elected, he would have marched at the head. of twenty thousand men to Washington, and taken possession of the Capitol, preventing by force Fremont's inauguration at that place.

In the same spirit, a meeting of the prominent politicians of South

ism, as being far more dangerous to the South than the election of Lincoln; because it seeks to create a Free-Soil party there; while, if Lincoln triumphs, the result cannot fail to be a South united in her own defense-the only key to a full and we sincerely believe-a peaceful and happy solution of the political problem of the Slavery question."

"While we congratulate him on the fact that his eyes are at length open to the (to the South) dangerous tendency of the labors of Douglas, we hail his conversion as an evidence of the truth of our oft-repeated declaration, that, ere the first Monday in November, every honest and unselfish Democrat throughout the South will be found arrayed against Douglas-Freesoil-ards.

Columns like the above might be quoted from the Breckinridge journals of the South, showing that they regarded the success of Douglas as the great peril, to be defeated at all haz

Carolina was held at the residence of very existence, depends upon our action. Senator Hammond, near Augusta, peril, to the Roman consuls, to take care It was the old injunction, in times of great on the 25th of October, 1860. Gov. that the Republic sustained no detriment; Gist, ex-Gov. Adams, ex-Speaker this charge and injunction is now addressed to us. All that is dear and precious to this Orr, and the entire delegation to people-life, fortune, name, and history-all Congress, except Mr. Miles, who was is committed to our keeping for weal or for kept away by sickness, were present, woe, for honor or for shame. Let us do our part, so that those who come after us shall with many other men of mark. By acknowledge that we were not unworthy of this cabal, it was unanimously rethe great trusts devolved upon us, and not solved that South Carolina should unequal to the great exigencies by which we were tried. Above all things, let us be secede from the Union in the event of one mind. We are all agreed as to our of Lincoln's then almost certain election. Similar meetings of kindred spirits were held simultaneously, or soon afterward, in Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, and probably other Slave States. By these meetings, and by the incessant interchange of messages, letters, and visits, the entire slaveholding region had been prepared, so far as possible, for disunion in the event of a Republican, if not also of a Douglas, triumph.

The Legislature of South Carolina does not regularly meet until the fourth Monday in November; but, the recent act of Congress requiring a choice of Presidential Electors prior to that time, Gov. Gist had good reason for calling the Legislature of 1860 to meet in advance of the regular day. It met, according to his summons, at Columbia, on Monday, Nov. 5 (the day before the choice of Presidential Electors throughout the Union), when Mr. W. D. Porter, of Charleston, was chosen President of the Senate. On taking the Chair, he said:

"I do not seek now to lift the veil that hides the future from our sight; but we have all an instinctive feeling that we are on the eve of great events. His Excellency, the Governor, in the terms of his call, has summoned us to take action, if advisable, for the safety and protection of the State. Heretofore, we have consulted for its convenience and well-being; now, its destiny, its

wrongs. Let us sacrifice all differences of opinion, as to the time and mode of remedy, upon the altar of patriotism, and for the sake of the great cause. In our unanimity human power can withstand or break down will be our strength, physical and moral. No a united people, standing upon their own soil and defending their homes and firesides. May we be so united, and may the great

Governor of men and of nations inspire our

hearts with courage, and inform our under

standings with wisdom, and lead us in the way of honor and of safety."

Gov. Gist (whose term expired with the current year) communicated to both Houses his Annual Message, immediately on their organization. It is as follows:

"EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, "COLUMBIA, S. C., Nov. 5, 1860.

Gentlemen of the Senate

}

and House of Representatives: "The act of Congress, passed in the year 1846, enacts that the electors of President and Vice-President shall be appointed on the month of November, of the year in which Tuesday next after the first Monday of the they are to be appointed. The annual meeting of the Legislature of South Carolina, by a constitutional provision, will not take place until the fourth Monday in November instant. I have considered it my duty, under the authority conferred upon me to

convene the Legislature on extraordinary occasions, to convene you, that you may, on to-morrow, appoint the number of Electors

of President and Vice-President to which this State is entitled.

"Under ordinary circumstances, your duty could be soon discharged by the election of Electors representing the choice of the people of the State; but, in view of the threatening aspect of affairs, and the strong probability of the election to the Presidency of a sectional candidate, by a party committed to the support of measures, which, if carried out, will inevitably destroy our

GIST AND CHESNUT URGE SECESSION.

equality in the Union, and ultimately reduce | the Southern States to mere provinces of a consolidated despotism, to be governed by a fixed majority in Congress hostile to our institutions, and fatally bent upon our ruin, I would respectfully suggest that the Legislature remain in session, and take such action as will prepare the State for any emergency that may arise.

"That an exposition of the will of the people may be obtained on a question involving such momentous consequences, I would earnestly recommend that, in the event of Abraham Lincoln's election to the Presidency, a Convention of the people of this State be immediately called, to consider and determine for themselves the mode and measure of redress. My own opinions of what the Convention should do are of little moment; but, believing that the time has arrived when every one, however humble he may be, should express his opinions in unmistakable language, I am constrained to say that the only alternative left, in my judgment, is the secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union. The indications

from many of the Southern States justify the conclusion that the secession of South Carolina will be immediately followed, if not adopted simultaneously, by them, and ultimately by the entire South. The longdesired coöperation of the other States having similar institutions, for which so many of our citizens have been waiting, seems to be near at band; and, if we are true to ourselves, will soon be realized. The State has, with great unanimity declared that she has the right peaceably to secede, and no power on earth can rightfully prevent it.

"If, in the exercise of arbitrary power, and forgetful of the lessons of history, the Government of the United States should attempt coërcion, it will become our solemn duty to meet force by force; and, whatever may be the decision of the Convention, representing the Sovereignty of the State, and amenable to no earthly tribunal, it shall, during the remainder of my administration, be carried out to the letter, regardless of any hazard that may surround its execution.

"I would also respectfully recommend a thorough reorganization of the Militia, so as to place the whole military force of the State in a position to be used at the shortest notice, and with the greatest efficiency. Every man in the State, between the ages of eighteen and forty-five, should be well armed with the most efficient weapons of modern warfare, and all the available means of the State used for that purpose.

"In addition to this general preparation, I would recommend that the services of ten thousand volunteers be immediately accepted; that they be organized and drilled by

331

officers chosen by themselves, and hold themselves in readiness to be called on upon the shortest notice. With this preparation for defense, and with all the hallowed memories of past achievements, with our love of liberty, and hatred of tyranny, and with the knowledge that we are contending for the safety of our homes and firesides, we can confidently appeal to the Disposer of all human events, and safely trust our cause in His keeping. WM. H. GIST."

Mr. James Chesnut, Jr., one of the United States Senators from South Carolina, was among the large number of leading politicians in attendance at the opening of the legislative session. He was known as a zealous advocate of Secession, and as such was serenaded on the evening of November 5th, aforesaid. Being called out to speak, Mr. Chesnut (as reported by telegraph to The Charleston Courier) said:

"Before the setting of to-morrow's sun, in all human probability, the destiny of this confederated Republic would be decided. He solemnly thought, in all human probability, that the Republican party would triumph in the election of LINCOLN as President. In that event, the lines of our enemies seem to be closing around us; but they must be broken. They might see in the hurried paths of these starched men of livery the funeral cortege of the Constitution of the country. Peace, hope, independence, liberty, power, and the prosperity of Sovereign States, may be draped as chief mourners; still, in the rear of this procession, there is the light of the glorious past, from which they might rekindle the dying blaze of their own altars. We see it all know it all-feel it all; and, with heaven's help, we will meet it all.

"It was evident that we had arrived at the initial point of a new departure. We have two ways before us, in one of which, whether we will or not, we must tread; for, in the event of this issue, there would be no repose. In both lie dangers, difficulties, and troubles, which no human foresight can foreshadow or perceive; but they are not equal in magnitude. One is beset with humiliation, dishonor, émeutes, rebellionswith submission, in the beginning, to all, and at all times, and confiscation and slavery in the end. The other, it is true, has its difficulties and trials, but no disgrace. Hope, duty, and honor, shine along the path. Hope

beacons you at the end. Before deciding, consider well the ancient and sacred maxim -Stand upon the ancient way-see which is the right, good way, and walk in it.'

"But the question now was, Would the South submit to a Black Republican President and a Black Republican Congress, which will claim the right to construe the Constitution of the country and administer the Government in their own hands, not by the law of the instrument itself, nor by that of the fathers of the country, nor by the practices of those who administered seventy years ago, but by rules drawn from their own blind consciences and crazy brains. They call us inferiors, semi-civilized barbarians, and claim the right to possess our lands, and give them to the destitute of the Old World and the profligates of this. They claim the dogmas of the Declaration of Independence as part of the Constitution, and that it is their right and duty to so administer the Government as to give full effect to them. The people now must choose whether they would be governed by enemies, or govern themselves.

"For himself, he would unfurl the Palmetto flag, fling it to the breeze, and, with

the spirit of a brave man, determine to live and die as became our glorious ancestors, and ring the clarion notes of defiance in the ears of an insolent foe. He then spoke of the undoubted right to withdraw their delegated powers, and it was their duty, in the event contemplated, to withdraw them. It

was their only safety.

revolution is to stare it in the face. I think the only policy for us is to arm as soon as we receive authentic intelligence of the election of Lincoln. It is for South Carolina, in the quickest manner, and by the most direct means, to withdraw from the Union. Then we will not submit, whether the other Southern States will act with us or with our enemies.

"They cannot take sides with our enemies; they must take sides with us. When an ancient philosopher wished to inaugurate a great revolution, his motto was to dare! to dare!"

"Mr. Boyce was followed by Gen. M. E Martin, Cols. Cunningham, Simpson, Richardson, and others, who contended that to submit to the election of Lincoln is to consent to a lingering death."

There was great joy in Charleston, and wherever "Fire-Eaters" most did congregate, on the morning of November 7th. Men rushed to shake hands and congratulate each other on the glad tidings of Lincoln's election. Now, it was felt, and exultingly proclaimed, the last obstacle to "Southern independence" has been removed, and the great experiment need no longer be postponed to await the pleasure of the weak, the faithless, the cowardly. It was clear that the election had resulted precisely as the Hon. Wm. W. Boyce then, and master-spirits had wished and hoped. for some years previously, a leading Now, the apathy, at least of the other Representative in Congress from Cotton States, must be overcome; South Carolina-was, in like manner, now, South Carolina-that is, her serenaded and called out by the enthu-slaveholding oligarchy-will be able siastic crowd of Secessionists, at Columbia, on the following evening. He concluded a speech denunciatory of the Republicans, as follows:

"Mr. C. favored separate State action; saying the rest would flock to our standard."

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to achieve her long-cherished purpose of breaking up the Union, and founding a new confederacy on her own ideas, and on the 'peculiar institution' of the South. Men thronged the streets, talking, laughing, cheering, like mariners long becalmed

leading and wealthy gentleman in Charleston, states that the news of Lincoln's election was received there with cheers and many manifestations of approbation."

The Charleston Mercury of the 7th or 8th exultingly announced the same fact.

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