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ever, Arnold is more than a mere evanescent memory, so former occupants aver. They swear they have seen him glowering malignly at them and have distinctly heard his heavy tread resounding in the halls.

It is gratifying to say that Mount Pleasant has fallen into good hands. The city has entrusted the property to an automobile club, "La Moviganta Klubo," whose members and officers have spent liberally for intelligent restorations and repairs. A competent custodian is in charge and it is safe to say that this historic house will always be a cherished object of judicious care.

IN THE NORTHERN LIBERTIES, FAIRMOUNT PARK

GALLOWAY

[graphic]

RMISTON, on the verge of a deep glen that separates it from Laurel Hill, is a square rough-cast building of two storeys and a hipped roof, substantial and comfortable but without much architectural pretension. Its principal charm is its site over

looking the river far below. There are broad porches on both the land and river fronts, and in the days when its condition was properly kept up, it must have been a delightful place to pass the summer months.

Towards the end of the Colonial period it was the home of Joseph Galloway, an eminent lawyer and one of the most distinguished Loyalists. He was born at West River in Maryland, in 1731, but came to Philadelphia at an early age. In 1748 he was elected a member of the Colony in Schuylkill. While still a young man he attained great distinction in the law and was held an authority in all matters touching real estate. He was the intimate friend of Benjamin Franklin and when the latter went to England in 1764 he placed his valuable papers and letter books in Galloway's hands for safekeeping. In 1757 he was elected to the Assembly, and from 1766 to 1774 was speaker of that body, being usually elected by unanimous vote. In 1753 he married Grace Growdon, the daughter of Laurence Growdon, of Trevose.

After serving in the Congress of 1775 he withdrew from politics. Doctor Franklin then sought to induce him

to espouse the cause of independence but he could not conscientiously do so, and in December, 1776, joined General Howe and accompanied the British army. During the British occupation of Philadelphia, at the request of General Howe, he assumed the duties of SuperintendentGeneral of Police and Superintendent of the Port, being assisted by his friend and neighbour, Samuel Shoemaker.

Because of his outspokenness and unhesitating action in support of the King, his name has been loaded with obloquy, which only in recent years has somewhat disappeared as people have begun to realise that the Loyalists were entitled to their opinions as well as the Whigs and as much privileged to act upon their convictions in what was, after all, only a very violent political struggle between Englishmen as those who differed from them, without being held up to the execration of all future generations.

In speaking of the Philadelphia Loyalists of whom there were many, Thomas Allen Glenn says:

family traditions of loyalty to the Crown were not to be lightly thrown aside. The position of the Loyalists of Philadelphia has never, perhaps, been properly presented. They were, as a class, the best people in the Province and the descendants of those settlers who, by hard work and unceasing effort had brought Philadelphia to be the chief city of Great Britain's American Colonies. They were, most of them, people of wealth, education, culture and refinement. Many, like the Rawles, were descended from the best of those who, in Penn's time, had planted the Province. Belonging to families that for generations, despite persecution, at times, for religious belief, had continued unswervingly loyal to their King, they hesitated now to cut themselves loose from an authority which they had so long and faithfully obeyed,

and which, taken all in all, had treated them well. They had, indeed, waxed rich and prosperous under the rule of King George and his predecessors, and the great principles of liberty and selfgovernment were to such people but shadowy phantoms of a dream. Not a single instant did they believe that the Continental army would ultimately conquer, or that the Continental Congress would achieve aught save ruin to its members. The Loyalists, or "Tories," as their enemies called them, had property at stake which in money value far exceeded that of those engaged in the struggle for independence, and they could not bring, as they thought, irretrievable ruin upon their families, their kindred and themselves. It was not, with some of them, that they were Friends, or Quakers, for many of that belief either entered the Continental Army or else, because of religious scruples, declined to take part on either side, but they felt that in turning their backs on Washington and the cause he represented they were doing loyal service to their King and country. Had the American Revolution failed, they would have been praised instead of scorned, applauded instead of hissed.

After the British evacuated Philadelphia, Galloway was attainted of high treason and his estates adjudged confiscate. Mrs. Galloway in order to protect her property remained at Ormiston until she was forcibly ejected by the commissioners in charge of confiscated estates. In this connexion the great Charles Wilson Peale does not appear in an amiable light. He was one of the commissioners and he it was who ran Mrs. Galloway out by the shoulders, forcing her from her home and into Benedict Arnold's coach-he was then a near neighbour and had not yet fallen into disgrace-which was waiting at the door to convey her away.

Ormiston along with all the neighbouring seats is now a part of the park property, and is used by the family of one of the park employees.

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