position until the report was presented to him as secretary of the convention. The members of the committee and some of the delegates were then told that we would be pleased to have the subject discussed by the convention, and would present our views if requested to do so. In conversation with the writer, the chairman of the committee and some of its members expressed regret that no objection was made to the adoption of the report, as they were prepared to discuss the question in its entirety. Members of the committee also informed us that the editor-member-the originator of the resolution was the only person that appeared before the committee to advocate a change. This assertion has since been made in our correspondence columns, by a writer who obtained his information from a member of the committee. But the editor-member who thus received his Waterloo did not abandon the attack. He evidently does not believe in abiding by even the unanimous decision of the duly accredited representatives of the membership, in convention assembled. In issues of his paper immediately succeeding the convention, he derided the action of the committee and the convention, and virtually accused the members of the committee of being the servile tools of the International officers, and of having no minds of their own. His references to the committees, the work of the convention, and the International officers, were of a vituperative character, and for what reason? Simply because the action taken did not conform with the course laid down by the editor of the labor sheet in question. For When he speaks, The air, a chartered libertine, is still. En passant, it is worthy of mention that this labor paper, in issues succeeding the convention, also paid its respects to the law committee of the St. Louis session. The billingsgate indulged in on this and other subjects would have done credit to the habitues of the celebrated London fish market"quillers" being one of the more moderate terms applied to the members of the law committee. Ridicule of such work of the convention as did not meet with the approval of this would-be Cæsar was the pre vailing note, and vituperation held unlimited sway in the columns of his paper. The attacks on THE JOURNAL were continued from week to week, when finally the editor-member revealed his true colors. He demanded, through the columns of his paper, that the editor of THE JOURNAL resign, denounced the policy of THE JOURNAL as cowardly, and intimated his determination to use his publication to defeat THE JOURNAL'S editor for re-election, if the latter did not resign or change the policy of THE JOURNAL in the meantime. And this in the face of the unanimous declaration of the convention that THE JOURNAL was being conducted on proper lines. In one issue this editor-member arrogantly boasted that two superintendents of the Home had been recalled through the efforts of his paper, and that he had in that way also defeated a president and secretarytreasurer of the International Typographical Union who were candidates for reelection. Think of that for a moment! Why, man, he doth bestride the narrow world Not content with this, the editor-member resorted to questionable means-sharp practice may be the proper term-to secure the co-operation of other labor papers in an attempt to vitiate the action of the St. Louis convention relative to THE JOURNAL, overthrow the expressed will of the convention, and instigate condemnation of the editor of our official paper. Postal cards were mailed these labor editors, and they were requested to support this editor-member in his efforts to force the editor of THE JOURNAL to change its policy-or, in other words, to disobey the instructions of the parent organization. We have been furnished with these cards, and know whereof we speak. This editor-member also supplied his brother editors with marked copies of issues of his paper, in which the policy of THE JOURNAL was misrepresented and its editor abused, and asked them to comment thereon. A few of the editors thus approached, apparently without full investigation of the subject, responded to the appeal. These inspired responses were then reproduced in his paper by the editor-member, as voluntary evidence that his position was correct, and the editor of THE JOURNAL wrong, and that the delegates to the St. Louis convention were a set of incompetents. In the same issue, the editor-member published a list of the labor papers in the country-evidently compiled from a directory, and the bulk of which pursue a similar policy to THE JOURNAL—and boldly asserted that these publications editorially supported his contentions. Further than this, one sentence of an editorial comment which recently appeared in THE JOURNAL was quoted and denounced in said editor-member's paper, and brother labor editors were also asked to present their views on this partial quotation and the denunciatory comments thereon. Similar methods are still being pursued, and copies of this editor-member's paper are spread broadcast in many jurisdictions. The editor of THE JOURNAL believes in fair-minded criticism, but this editor-member does not appear to be able to distinguish criticism from license, misrepresentation and abuse. We admire a fair fighter-one who stands in the open and contends for what he believes to be right. We esteem the unionist who legitimately seeks to bring about what he considers to be necessary reforms in union affairs, and who endeavors by all honorable means, and through a full and fair presentation of facts, to educate others to his standard. We leave it to our readers to designate the title that should apply to one who seeks to accomplish his ends by trickery, misrepresentation, threats, and vilification. Disinclination to use the space of THE JOURNAL in discussing a question of this character has prevented an earlier handling of the matter. But, as stated in the beginning, it is our belief that the membership's attention should be directed to the subject and to the tactics pursued by one who has sworn that he "will not wrong a member or see him or her wronged." Personally, we care not one iota whether the editor-member in question resorts to unstinted praise or descends to unmitigated and unwarranted abuse in his references to our conduct of official affairs; but we do object to the manifest unfairness, sharp practice and gross misrepresentation indulged in by him when dealing with the policy of THE JOURNAL, which is the official paper of our organization. in view of the unanimous action of the St. Louis convention, as given in this article, and that of all other conventions since the present editor took charge of THE JOURNAL, there is no need to defend or explain its policy, past and present. The many words of commendation from officers and members of our local unions, and those of other organizations, that are daily received by its editor, are evidence in themselves that our official paper is a welcome visitor, and that it is being conducted in a way that meets the approval of the great majority of the membership. It must be remembered that THE TYPOGRAPHICAL JOURNAL is the official paper of our organization-not a private venture. The laws of our union set forth in part what it shall contain and the position it shall assume. Confidence is reposed in its editor to see that its general editorial policy shall be in line with that of the organization, and that it shall be free of expressions that may tend to impair the usefulness of the parent body or any of its locals, or bring reproach upon them or the membership as a whole. It is also made by law, "as far as practicable, the official organ of communication with subordinate unions." Our predecessors undoubtedly endeavored to conduct THE JOURNAL in accordance with their ideas of the proper policy to be pursued. A comparison of the magazine now published with that issued over eight years ago, when the present editor assumed control, will demonstrate the many changes that have been inaugurated. Realizing that there are about 50,000 stockholders in THE JOURNAL, and the utter impossibility of producing a publiIcation that in its entirety would please everybody, we have endeavored to cater to the diversified tastes and furnish a magazine that would be appreciated, in part at least, by all. And there is ample evidence that our efforts have proven successful. Our editor-member claims that we do not fight labor's battles, and that our policy is a cowardly one. The files of THE JOURNAL will prove that we have chronicled every important move of labor's enemies, and that appropriate comment has been made thereon from time to time. We drew attention to the formation of citizens' alliances, industrial associations, etc., and commented on the object of these organizations, as expressed by circu ́ar and in the sayings of the leaders in that work, and have continued to note their doings in different sections, and their persistent misrepresentations of the aims and purposes of organized labor. This has been done in as brief a manner as was consistent with the facts. We have not endeavored to print all of the rabid utterances of the union haters, who seem to like to hear themselves talk. No new arguments against unionism have been advanced by these people. The open-shop questionwhich is not a new one by any means, though some seem to think so-has been discussed by THE JOURNAL from time to time, and the position of the editor and the organization fully set forth. We have also recorded labor's victories, both in the courts and elsewhere. And, in this connection, it should be borne in mind that there is at least one-third more copy furnished for each issue than it is possible to use, thus necessitating the reluctant use of the blue pencil. Notwithstanding this, and in spite of the unanimous action of the last convention, as quoted elsewhere, this editor-member insists that our policy is cowardly; that we are neglecting labor's interests, and that THE JOURNAL must be placed on "the firing line." If the contents of his paper indicate his conception of "the firing line," it is the last place in the world to put the official paper of the International Typographical Union. We have discussed the methods of the enemies of unionism and advocates of the open shop from the standpoint of their platform utterances, their enunciation of the objects sought by their associations, and their conduct of plants owned by them. We have not sought to delve into their private or family affairs in any way, nor endeavored to obtain and exploit the papers in a divorce suit in which an exponent of the open shop was interested, as did this editor-member, according to statements in his paper. We are decidedly opposed to such disreputable tact, and firmly believe such methods eventually result to the detriment, rather than the benefit, of organized labor. If placing THE JOURNAL on "the firing line" means that the homes and private lives of those who either agree or disagree with us, or with the tenets of unionism, shall be subjects of attack-or that it shall be conducted on similar lines to the paper issued by this editor-member-we desire to emphatically assert that no such change will be made as long as we are permitted to exercise our judgment in conducting the official magazine of our International Union. Another point: This editor-member would have us believe that he is alway actuated by purely disinterested motin urging his so-called reforms, or the election or defeat of candidates for International office-that he seeks the advancement of union interests alone. But our members may view this saint-like attitude with suspicion. The editor of THE JOURNAL is familiar with at least one instance in which this pure-minded patriot levied tribute by submitting a bill to a candidate who was seeking re-election to an important office in the International Typographical Union, asking payment for matter published in the printing trade columns of his paper favorable to the interests of said candidate, and its circulation throughout the jurisdiction. And there may be many others. Our opinion was asked regarding this bill when it was presented during the campaign of a few years ago, and we did not hesitate to denounce it as “a hold-up, pure and simple." We are not likely to forget this incident, and can make affidavit to it and present corroborative evidence, if necessary. With the labor press in general-which this editor-member seeks, through concealment of facts and by sharp practice, to array against THE JOURNAL and its editorwe have no dispute. We may disagree as to the policy pursued, but this is merely a difference of opinion, to which all are entitled. As a rule, these papers are conducted by earnest and devoted advocates of unionism, and firm exponents and defenders of the rights and privileges of those who toil. Many of these men have made sacrifices in labor's interests, and it goes withou say ing that their papers are not accorded the support due them. But there are exceptions to the rule. Some few of these papers, though loudly proclaiming their devotion to labor's cause, seek personal advancement alone, and use the name of organized labor as a lever to accomplish their ends. Papers of the latter class are always for sale to the highest bidder notably during an election campaign and they are a disgrace to labor journalism and to organized labor as a whole. A STATEMENT OF FACT. Some of our members appear to have the impression that the International Typographical Union per capita tax of 40 cents per month-embracing THE JOURNAL Subscription-includes a special assessment for Los Angeles Typographical Union No. 174. This is an error. There is no special assessment running at the present time, other than the eight-hour assessment of one-half of one per cent. The Cincinnati convention (pages 148-150 proceedings) submitted to the referendum a proposition for a special assessment of 5 cents per capita to finance the Los Angeles Times contest. This proposition was adopted by the membership. The Washington convention submitted to the membership a proposition which in effect would make the per capita tax 40 cents (35 cents per capita tax and 5 cents for THE JOURNAL), and at the same time submitted a new apportionment of the International dues, as follows: "Five cents to the general fund; 5 cents to the special defense fund; 72 cents to the defense fund; 72 cents to the burial fund, and 10 cents to the endowment fund of the Union Printers' Home." There was also submitted by the convention a new section to be added to article ix of the constitution: "The special defense fund shall be used for the purpose of advancing the principles of unionism as applied to our own trade, whenever and however the executive council may decide." It was further provided that, in the event of the defeat of the special defense fund proposition by the membership, the council should submit a proposition for the continuance of the 5-cent assessment for the Los Angeles contest. All of the propositions referred to were adopted, however, and on December 31, 1903, the Los Angeles assessment ceased. But as it was the evident intention of the convention that the council should continue the contest in Los Angeles, as was indicated in its adoption of the report of the committee on the Los Angeles Times contest (pages 148 and 149, Washington proceedings), the council acted in harmony with the desire of the convention. There was a balance in the Los Angeles assessment fund when the new law became effective on January 1, 1904, and in April, 1904, the council decided to reduce the expenses at that point to $900 per month, this amount being paid from the defense fund after the assessment fund was exhausted. At the St. Louis convention (page 180, proceedings) the executive council was "instructed to furnish such finances from the defense fund as in its wisdom may be necessary for the continuance of the contest." In accordance with the convention instructions, the executive council, in September, 1904, further reduced the amount allowed Los Angeles Typographical Union to $600 per month. The provision creating the special defense fund went into effect January 1, 1904, and the fund has remained intact during the period elapsing. It is the intention of the executive council to husband the fund thus accruing as far as possible, so that, on January 1, 1906, the International Typographical Union may have a special fund with which to finance, from an International standpoint, eight-hour requirements. It is felt by the council that there should be an International fund, separate and distinct from the local eight-hour funds that are now being accumulated, and the council is proceeding accordingly. The above explanation is made so that our members may have the facts, and that they may not be misled by contrary and unfounded statements. IN his annual message, the governor of New York state said that "the place for children of school age is in the school, and they should not be withdrawn therefrom, or allowed to work in any way which interferes with their school attendance, before they reach the age at which primary education ordinarily ends." Amen! What We Are Doing THE eight-hour day went into effect in the book and job offices of Scranton, Pa., on January 1, 1905. CONTRACTS With Typographical Union No. 404 have recently been signed by all the proprietors of printing offices in Tyler, Texas. THE scale of prices signed by the employing printers of New Brighton, Pa., for 1905 grants an increase of $1 per week to all employes except Simplex operators and justifiers, who will each receive an advance in wages of 50 cents per week. * * * BEGINNING April 1, 1905, the eight-hour day will be in effect in the book and job printing offices of Colorado Springs, Colo., the union unanimously voting an extension from the date originally fixed, January 1, 1905, at the regular meeting in January. This has been brought about without friction between the parties immediately concerned. THE demand of Portland (Ore.) Union for a job scale of $21 per week and an eighthour day (an advance of $1.80 per week over the existing wage rate) was met by the proprietors with a counter proposition for a nine-hour day at the prevailing scale, which the latter afterward modified to eight and one-half hours. The union then withdrew its first demand, but "stood pat" on the scale of last year, which is still in force. * * * ORGANIZER HILL reports that the scale of prices for book and job printers adopted by Montgomery (Ala.) Typographical Union No. 222 has been signed by five of the offices in that city, and will be in force from January 20, 1905, to January 1, 1906. The new scale calls for an increase of $4.50 per week for foremen and $4.40 for compositors, nine hours per day. The piece scale is also increased 5 cents per 1,000 ems; larger type than brevier to be set at the time scale. The organizer further reports a new scale for newspaper men as in effect from Januay 21, 1905, to January 1, 1906. By its provisions the wages of foremen are advanced $3 per week, those of floormen $2.40 per week, and the rate for overtime is increased to 30 cents per hour. The piece scale for machine operators is now 82 cents per 1,000 ems for brevier and 8 cents for nonpareil; the time scale being fixed at $3.25, eight hours. Machinist-operators will receive $2.50 per week over the scale paid to operators. All the foregoing for day work. The scale for morning newspapers is placed at $3.75 per night, the rate for piece work being 10 cents per 1,000 ems for brevier, etc. * A THREE-YEAR agreement between the employing printers of Batavia, N. Y., and Typographical Union No. 511 has been reached, with the assistance of Organizer McLoughlin. It provides for eight and a half hours as a day's work beginning April 3, 1905, and continuing until January 1, 1906, when the eight-hour workday will become effective. The scale of wages will remain the same as at present, except for night hand men, whose compensation will be increased $2 per week. THE executive officers of Chicago Union No. 16 have succeeded in unionizing the Evanston (Ill.) Index. As a result the ninehour day now prevails in that office, accompanied by a slightly increased scale of wages. In addition to this, an advance of 50 cents per week in wages will be paid each month, continuing until the scale of No. 16 has been reached. A REDUCTION of one-half hour per day for all hands, and an increase in wages for foremen of job and newspaper offices, effective the first of the year, is the cheering news from Santa Fe (N. M.) Typographical Union No. 405. Otherwise the new scale calls for the same rates of compensation as in 1904. THE national board of arbitration, composed of William Warner (chairman), Frederick Driscoll, commissioner of the American Newspaper Publishers' Association, and J. W. Hays, first vice-president of the International Typographical Union, re |
