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made the mistake of appointing a relative in one instance, but the Senate rightly refused to confirm it.

The population of the United States in 1800, on the eve of Mr. Jefferson's election, was 5,305,925. It had about doubled since the declaration of independence.


The Spanish possessions on the South and Central American coast, then reached as far north as South Carolina, so that the United States joined territory on the south, with Spain. In the settlement of the war between France and Spain, France became the possessor of Florida and Louisiana. This aroused the United States to the possible danger of future and not far off complications with France. Mr. Jefferson counseled France against the possession of this Spanish territory, as threatening the peace of the United States. But France was dreaming of colonial schemes. Bonaparte conceived of a French empire in America with its capital and great commercial outlet at New Orleans. But so stout was the resistance of the United States, and so threatening its attitude, that he began to think it might cost more than it would be worth. Mr. Jefferson had charged Mr. Livingston, our minister in France, to use every endeavor to purchase the territory of France. Then to press the matter still further, he sent Mr. Monroe to France on this special mission. The result was that on the thirtieth of April, 1803, the purchase was made. Sixty million francs was the price; twenty millions to be paid to citizens of the United States due from France for supplies and prizes at sea.

The territory was an empire of itself. It was in the heart of the American continent. It held the great rivers. After the declaration of independence, this was the greatest event that had transpired in America. It opened the valley of the Mississippi to the freedom and civilization of the United States. And it only cost a little money, easily paid in the growth of the country. And yet it was by some denounced at the time as a reckless waste of a nation's money. But it made the administra

tion immensely popular, as it removed one great source of danger and was a peaceful settlement of a difficult problem.

Mr. Jefferson was inaugurated for his second term, March 4, 1805, in the sixty-second year of his age. The rapidly growing country, the developing principles of republicanism, the enlarging sphere of the nation's intercourse with the world, made his administration important in many respects. The development of Aaron Burr's plot for a western empire and his treasonable purposes, and his trial, came in Mr. Jefferson's time. So did the duel between Burr and Hamilton, and the death of the latter.

Mr. Jefferson grew in popularity and influence during his whole administration. He served as president in stormy times; but carried the ship of state into peaceful waters. Even a hasty study of his, and the earlier administrations, shows how much the people had to learn to be self-governing. They felt their way blindly-even those who governed for the most part. The people were sensitive, critical, suspicious, excitable. Little evils portended destruction; trifles were likely to upset the government; a new idea startled many; the faces of many were always turned backward for examples, and if any took a forward look it frightened them. Mr. Jefferson looked forward, and hoped for better things in the future than the past had known. He was constitutionally a reformer. He tried experiments and took new ways of doing things. He was no worshiper of the past. When he looked back he saw so many horrible things in the oppressions and sufferings of humanity that he shuddered. He was humane, and believed in humanity; in the equal rights of men; in fair dealing, and the helpfulness of governments and the higher classes of men. He honored human nature, and believed the natural order of things was good. He wanted to abolish slavery, and caste, and titles, and official dignities, and recognize plain worth and true merit only as conferring the dignity worth knowing. If he had been born among the Friends he would have been a zealous disciple of their principles. As he said in a letter to Mrs. Adams in explanation of the differences between him and the federalists: "One fears most the

ignorance of the people; the other the selfishness of rulers, independent of them. Which is right, time and experience will prove." The federalists feared the ignorance of the people, he would say, while he feared more the selfishness of rulers.

Added to these constitutional qualities and opinions a strong imagination, a fervent temperament, high spirit, intensity of nature, an ability to talk and write with power, and a disposiion to call things by the names most befitting his views of them, and we have Thomas Jefferson-not a model man, by any means; over fervent often; over severe sometimes; suspicious of the motives of those who sharply differed from him; overgenerous to those he liked, and yet a good man; great, honest, hearty, brilliant, powerful; who could not help making a strong impression on his age, and having a wide following—a king among men, as royal in heart as in mind.


It was common in those high calvinistic times for his bitter political enemies to denounce him as an infidel, an atheist, a despiser of religion. And it must be said that the language of denunciation among those of different opinions was common then. It was common to be unjust and unfair to those of the contrary opinion. The most religious people were not wanting in hard terms to apply roundly to those whom they censured.

Mr. Jefferson was baptized and reared in the Episcopal church, and through his life contributed to its support. His wife and daughters were attached to it. Its ministers were often. his friends. Had he lived in this time he would perhaps have been a broad churchman, or a Unitarian, or a friend, or a new orthodox, or a left-wing friend, of some church. At heart he was a religious man, but his religion was not the orthodoxy of his time. He always spoke and wrote reverently of God in all his state papers, as in the Declaration of Independence, recognized the just and good providence of God over men. In letters to friends he has occasionally spoken believingly of a future immortal life. To Mrs. Adams, he wrote: "Perhaps, one of the elements of future felicity is to be a constant and unimpassioned

view of what is passing here. If so, this may well supply the wish of occasional visits." And to Mr. Adams, after the death of his wife, he speaks of ascending "in essence to a meeting with the friends we have loved and lost, and whom we shall still love and never lose again."

In a report concerning the religious instruction in the university of Virginia, he said: "The relations which exist between man and his Maker, and the duties resulting from those relations, are the most interesting and important to every human being, and the most incumbent on his study and investigation."


As early as 1816, Mr. Jefferson was instrumental in converting Albemarle academy into Central college. The scheme of a college grew in his mind into the University of Virginia. He gave much interest to this for many years. It was the initiatory movement for state universities. It did not realize his hopes, but became an efficient institution.


During the last years of his life, a crushing financial depression made the values of property uncertain and caused many failures. Mr. Jefferson's constant attention to public business had prevented his attention to his own affairs, and they suffered by this neglect. He got somewhat involved in debt, and just at this time Governor Nicolas failed for whom he had given his name as surety to the amount of twenty thousand dollars. It was a great trial for his declining years, but he bore it with cheerful fortitude. But when it became known to the country that his affairs were thus involved, personal gifts of gratitude and love from all parts came in to relieve his estate and give him great peace. He accepted them as tokens of affection from his children.


The robust frame of the great patriot at last began to give way to age. It is pleasant to read the correspondence between

him and John Adams, in their declining years. In their early manhood they were compatriots and personal friends and served their country in mutual affection. But in the sharp division of parties they became estranged, and lived as strangers for many years. When the heat of political misunderstandings passed away, they became reconciled, and ever after they were like two loving brothers in their correspondence. As they grew old they told of and inquired after their infirmities. They kept each other informed of their conditions. When Adams came to die, his last words were: "Thomas Jefferson still survives." His last thought seemed to have been on his old friend.

It was on the fourth of July, 1826, fifty years after they had enacted the declaration of independence, when the whole nation was jubilant in their praises of what they had done, at fifty minutes after twelve o'clock noon, that Thomas Jefferson died. A little before he had taken affectionate farewells of members of his family, and when the last was said, he audibly murmured, "Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace." An hour later and John Adams followed. Earth sees them no more, save in their great works. Their love is complete in the light in which they dwell.


The grave of Jefferson is at Monticello, the place of his residence, which he chose for its beautiful situation, and wide. and grand views over a great sweep of valley and hills and richly wooded mountains in the distance, forty miles away. He made the selection while yet a young man. There he took his young wife in the midst of a great snow-storm and in the dead of night. There he lived his great life. It was the dearest spot on earth to him, and the most beautiful. There he died; and there reposes his dust. What associations cluster around this now lonely and neglected place! What characters once came here for counsel and high converse! What throngs from all the states and over the sea! What letters were here written and

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