Page images
PDF
EPUB

significant, we had almost said terrible passage:

"Sir, there is no solicitude now for liberty. Who talks of liberty when any great question comes up? Here is a question of the first magnitude as to the conduct of this war; do you hear any body talk about its effects upon our liberties and our free institutions? No, sir. That was not the case formerly. In the early stages of our gov. ernment the great anxiety was, how to preserve liberty. The great anxiety now is for the attainment of mere military glory. In the one we are forgetting the other. The maxim of former times was, that power is always stealing from the many to the few; the price of liberty was perpetual vigilance. They were constantly looking out and watching for danger. Not so now. Is it because there has been any decay of liberty among the people? Not at all. I believe the love of liberty was never more ardent, but they have forgotton the tenure of liberty by which alone it is pre

served.

fatal to those constitutional guarantees on which they rely for the security of their rights against such fanaticism. If our treaty obligations with other nations, and the laws enacted by ourselves to carry them into effect, are to be thus infamously trifled with, who can tell what other laws, no less sacred, will share the same fate? Resistance to such a spirit, in any and all its forms, is the most sacred political obligation that can rest upon a republican citizen, be he of what party or what section he may.

It will easily be perceived that these last. sentences have been penned in view of the new hydra head that is just making itself apparent in the Cuban attempt to repeat the Texan abomination. It bids fair to be a monster more hideous than the last-a much more illegitimate progeny of the law"We think we may now indulge in every thing less party of the Republic. Those desperawith impunity, as if we held our charter of liberty does who engage in it, without the honor, by right divine'-from Heaven itself. Under these impressions we plunge into war, we contract heroism, or courage to regard it as a purely heavy debts, we increase the patronage of the personal adventure, but desire to tarnish the Executive, and we talk of a crusade to force our in-honor of this nation by involving it in the stitutions of liberty upon all people. There is no species of extravagance which our people imagine will endanger their liberty in any degree. Sir, the hour is approaching-the day of retribution will come. It will come as certainly as I am now addressing the Senate, and when it does come, awful will be the reckoning; heavy the responsibility somewhere."

scheme, wiil (there is no alternative) either meet their own destruction, or bring destruction upon this Union. From the questions

growing out of the Texan scheme we have barely escaped this result. This, following so closely upon it, would inevitably effect it. But passing these principles, let us proSuch is the tone and purpose of that un-ceed to the measures set forth by the Comscrupulous party; as plainly exhibited at mittees. That the Federal Government this day as it was when this warning was should undertake a judicious system of imuttered by this great and experienced states-provements of the rivers and harbors of the man. It has not, it is true, made as yet a new country, is, we believe, a universally admitfield of action such as it had then; but it is ted doctrine by Whigs of all sections. rapidly preparing to do so, and thus strike another blow at the Union and existence of these States, which if it is permitted to do we have no doubt will be its death-blow. How necessary then for the Whigs to reiterate and claim as belonging to the party the doctrine of Administrative Economy; the accountability and limitation of the powers of public officers; the faithful performance in letter and spirit of our obligations to other nations; a scrupulous regard for their rights, and firm maintenance of our

[blocks in formation]

The miserable fallacies which the other party have opposed to this beneficent measure are utterly unworthy of refutation. They have in fact already failed to prevent its passage through Congress; and the arbitrary tyranny of the veto had to be resorted to to destroy the bill. The internal commerce and facility of communication between almost any two States of this Union, is of more consequence than our whole external relations, if we except one or two nations. The party that opposes this measure has no objection to spending thousands of dollars through chargés and ambassadors in obtaining commercial arrangements with the most insignificant nations-arrangements many of which only benefit two or three mercantile firms-such is the force of traditional, technical politics; whilst they stren

1851.

183

uously oppose expenditures by the Govern- of their country, are bound hand and foot ment, which in a single year might save and must labor for whatever the avarice of from absolute destruction property beyond their master pleases to pay them? The the whole amount required, and through false political systems of the European all time facilitate the flow of that "vital cur- nations reach and enslave us, to a greater rent" of prosperity-the internal trade be- or less degree, as long as this state of affairs tween the various States of the Union-that lasts. The British system of "free trade" of all other things most tends to cement our pharisaically demands that we should conthem;" but we would rather invite the bondnationality, and insure prosperity and inde-sider our "brethren in bonds as bound with pendence. men to leave their shackles behind, and join us in the establishment of a nation, that in its political, social and economical equality and perfection, will by its peaceful progress shame those nations into the adoption of a like system of freedom, equality and justice. Such are the wide, important, world-embracing views with which we would advocate protection to American industry and American freedom. A freedom thus secured and thus protected appears to us to go beyond the mere political idea usually attached to the term, and, if thoroughly understood and carried out, to be the solution for most of the social enigmas that perplex and distract the age-so far at least as that solution is to be sought for, or expected, outside of the individual regeneration.

Following this, we have a statement of the doctrine of Protection to our native industry, at the present time the most pressing necessity of all. We write in the midst of a threatened commercial crisis and convulsion, when money is commanding on the best mercantile paper fifteen per cent. per annum; and that in the midst of the unexampled influx of gold from our Pacific possessions. It is notorious that this alarming fact is owing to the excessive purchases of foreign goods, induced by a most senseless and undiscriminating ad-valorem tariff; a tariff that is throwing into the hands of other nations all the pecuniary advantages we expected to reap from that amazing enterprise of our countrymen, by which they have opened to the world the vast riches so long hidden in the streams and mountains of California. We are taking all Whilst we the risk and they all the profit. are making these excessive purchases abroad, and thus contributing to pay the grinding taxations of monarchical powers required for their senseless splendors and excessive debts, -debts contracted, in many cases, to put —our own mills, down the liberties of man,mines and furnaces are to an alarming extent idle and useless, the capital invested in them utterly unproductive. Our farmers are obliged to expend most of their labor in cultivating the most unprofitable products, in consequence of the limitation of the home market, and to sell them at the most unremunerating rates, in order to compete, in a market three or four thousand miles off, with products grown on the spot, or only brought across the British channel, or from the shores of the Baltic sea. Our republican system demands and requires protection to our republican laborers. Of what avail is it, so far as their material well-being is concerned, that these classes have the franchise of freemen and a voice in all the affairs of state, if they are obliged to compete with those who, having no voice in the legislation

Other results there are of this measure of protection to our native industry, that reach beyond the mere economic, (this, too, we also claim as has so often been demonstrated in these pages,) calculated, with that we have referred to, to inspire the party that maintains it with a unity of devotion and an enthusiasm of action, before which the theorists for a mere material national wealth, however unequally distributed, should be swept away as chaff before the wind.

One of these is diversity of labor and enterprise. Looking at the gigantic and horrible evils resulting from the competition among laborers for the same employment, "London Labor and the London Poor," as recently exhibited in such books as "Alton Locke," &c.,-undeniable representations of facts,-every thoughtful statesman must be led to the conclusion, that here is discovered the pit-fall of modern civilization, the inevitable doom of unrestricted or unadjusted competition; and that unless this Modern gulf be avoided, his labor for his country or mankind is in vain, and there can be no continuous progress for the race. The human intellect must return to civilization, like the ancient, must fall into ruin.

also a science and an art, infinitely more efficient and refined.

barbarism and anarchy, and again lie fallow reacting upon agriculture itself, make of it through "dark ages," to renew its strength for another contest with Fate. Now this diversity of industrial occupations, in which it Such are the doctrines of internal improvewould appear that the very safety of civiliza- ment and protection to our native industry in tion itself rests, can only be obtained by us their more enlarged aspects, and in those rein the present condition of the world by sults of them, that appeal to the deeper prinProtection. Besides this vital result involved ciples of our nature, demanding from us by all in the proper establishment of diversity of the motives of patriotism and humanity an occupations, there are others of the greatest enthusiasm and a self-sacrifice that should importance. Nations are educated, refined, induce us to bear and forbear every thing to and invigorated by their pursuits more than the last point of honor, with all who are by any other causes. Intellect is thus de- with us in the sacred cause, that we may veloped in all directions. Thus only can be present an unbroken front to its enemies. acquired that combination of scientific dis- Contrast these beneficent principles with the covery and mechanical skill, in which almost barren negations that constitute the creed of the entire strength of modern nations con- our opponents, and say which should be consists. From whence have come those in-sidered the party of progress and action? ventions and improvements that indicate the existence of a living energy in nations? Where, but from the centres of diversified industry, where minds, clashing together, communicate to each other those various ideas which, combined by excited genius. produce those great results that constitute real national glory?

They come not from the necessarily isola ted condition of an exclusively rural population. This kind of population is undoubtedly the most important of all-the great underlying foundations of the social edifice; but remaining a dead level of mere material comfort, unless it be surrounded and interpenetrated, by centres of more varied industry and enterprise: places where the genius for other pursuits, which will inevitably appear in almost every family among this population, may find its legitimate field of action, instead of chafing in uncongenial pursuits, or rusting in inactivity. The English doctrines of free trade, so industriously promulgated among our farmers, may tempt their adherence by some of their plausibilities. But should they not consider to what a dead level it must consign them-what a restricted freedom they would have, if they must be confined to the one round, no matter what desires, genius, or ambition their sons may possess ?

Yes, this great foundation of society must be so laid and so cemented, that from out it and incorporated with it, may arise those structures of mechanical and manufacturing ingenuity, those domes of science and temples of art, that not only educate, dignify, and perpetuate the fame of a people; but

Responding to the call of these Committees of the Whigs of the great State of New-York, we have thus endeavored to present in bold, though rude outlines the principles and measures that have heretofore bound together the great constitutional party of the Union and the laws. We have done this that we may show the imperative reasons for a universal acquiescence in the principles upon which they have agreed to forego all action upon sectional issues; holding each to their own opinions and rights, yielding only, but implicitly, to the Constitution and the laws, respecting the rights and opinions of others, but demanding the like obedience.

The opinions that divided the party were upon matters that have been settled after the most thorough discussion. These committees express no desire to disturb that settlement, but, on the contrary, yield an unqualified submission to the laws that have been passed to effect it. They recognize the right, without any reservation, of every State to regulate its own municipal institutions without any interference, directly or indirectly. Any action tending to resist, defeat, or render ineffectual any laws passed by Congress, they unqualifiedly condemn. They have unreservedly expressed their confidence in, and demanded the support of, the party for the administration of President Fillmore; an administration whose principles in reference to that subject are emphatically summed up in the following sentiments:

"The series of measures to which I have al

luded are regarded by me as a settlement, in principle and substance-a final settlement of the

1

1851.

Their Principles and Measures.

185

dangerous and exciting subjects which they em- | loyalty to Union and the Government under which
braced."

[ocr errors]

*

*

*

*

*

"By that adjustment we have been rescued
from the wide and boundless agitation that sur-
rounded us, and have a firm, distinct, and legal
And the occasion, I trust,
ground to rest upon.
will justify me IN EXHORTING MY COUNTRYMEN TO
RALLY UPON AND MAINTAIN THAT GROUND as the
best, if not the only means, of restoring peace and
quiet to the country, and maintaining inviolate the
integrity of the Union."-President Fillmore's
Message.

"The President's Message, at the opening of the
present session of Congress, expresses fully and
plainly his own and the unanimous opinion of all
those associated with him in the Executive admin-
istration of the Government, in regard to what are
called the Adjustment or Compromise measures
of last session. That opinion is, that those meas-
ures should be regarded in principle as a final set-
tlement of the dangerous and exciting subjects
which they embrace; that though they were not
free from imperfections, yet, in their mutual depen-
dence and connection, they formed a system of
compromise the most conciliatory and best for the
entire country that could be obtained from con-
flicting sectional interests and opinions, and that
therefore they should be adhered to, until time and
experience should demonstrate the necessity of
further legislation to guard against evasion or
abuse. That opinion, so far as I know, remains
entirely unchanged, and will be acted upon stead-
ily and decisively. The peace of the country
requires this; the security of the Constitution re-
quires this; and every consideration of the public
good demands this. If the Administration cannot
stand upon the principles of the message, it does
not expect to stand at all."-Daniel Webster's Let-
ter to the Union Meeting at Westchester.

we live. And at the same time he wished the
scrutiny into his past life to be extended so as to
detect if possible any instance in which he had
manifested a disposition to agitate any sectional
or exciting question whereby any parts of the
country, or any classes of the community, might be
arrayed against others, or which might tend in any
degree to disturb the mutual confidence and at-
tachment between all sections and all classes,
ernment which has been transmitted to us.
which is essential to the preservation of the gov

He

nance the unnecessary discussion of all sectional had always endeavored to avoid and discountewhich then disturbed the public mind; those quesquestions. In the high office which he had lately held he had felt it his duty to refer to questions tions were then present; their decision was to be made, and it was necessary that the voice of the great State, at the head of whose government he had the honor to be placed, should be heard. It was due to her-it was due to her sister Statesit was due to the General Government-that the views, the feelings, and the determination of NewYork with regard to those most embarrassing questions, should be declared. In two annual calmly, but truthfully and faithfully, to present messages to the Legislature he had endeavored what he believed to be the sincere and abiding conviction, upon the then pending issues, of the reference to their party predilections. And in so large mass of the people of this State, without doing, he gave utterance to his own honestly entertained views. Those views are before the public and upon record, and from the almost unanimous expression of the Press at the time, and from other indications of public sentiment, he had reason to believe that they met a general, an almost universal response from the people who had placed him in the position from which he had felt bound to give utterance to those opinions. -a citizen of the Union of thirty-one States. He He thanked God that he was an American citizen prayed that that Union should never lose any one of its members. He was, too, a Northern man, with all the love of Northern men for universal consistent with his duty as a member of a confedefreedom; he found in that, however, nothing inracy consisting of Southern as well as Northern men. Strong and ardent as were his attachments to all the cherished principles of the North, much was an institution wholly within ry, he felt that as he might deplore the existence of human slavethe jurisdiction of those States which see fit to allow it. He respected their rights to regulate their internal policy according to their own convicquestions, and no act of his would interfere with the rights. He respected too, and would abide by, all compromises of the Constitution, in the spirit in which they were framed. He considered that their adoption had been essential to the formation of the Constitution under which we had become a free, a great and a happy nation; and he considered also that their faithful observance was necessary to the perpetuity of that Constitution, and the preservation of the Union which it has blessed.

Such we believe have become, or are rapid-
ly becoming, the universal sentiments of the
Whigs of this State, and of the whole coun-
The election of ex-Governor Fish to
try.
the Senate of the United States last winter,
was deemed by many as an evidence of a
But this was a conclu-
contrary tendency.
How false it was, may
sion without data.
be seen by the following extracts from a
speech delivered by him on the 4th of July
last, before the Cincinnati Society:-

"[A member present put the question, 'Are you
in favor of the compromise measures of the last
Congress-Gov. Fish would answer that
tion. He had been for several years in various
public positions, and in none had he ever attempted
to conceal his opinions upon any public question
upon which it became his duty to express them.
He challenged the closest examination of his whole
life, both public and private, for any evidence of
desire to evade the expression of his sentiments
upon any question of public interest, or for the
slightest evidence of any action or sentiment to
justify a suspicion of the want of respect and de-
ference to the laws of the land, or of devotion and

[ocr errors]

'Such had ever been his sentiments. When the

compromise measures of the last Congress were

[ocr errors]

186

Unity of the Whigs: Their Principles and Measures.

September,

under consideration, they did not meet his approval. | from its remembrance, serve to draw more closely In several particulars he thought them liable to the bonds which had united, and will again for objection. One, particularly, he thought open to long years unite in friendly, harmonious, and conexception as well on the ground of omission as of fiding affection and sympathy and brotherhood, the enactment. He recognized the rights which the remotest portions of our common country; and Constitution had guaranteed to the South, and he when, he confidently believed, the justice of our believed the South to be entitled to the enactment brethren in one section of the country will not of laws which should be efficient to the enjoyment deny the reasonable demands of those in another. of those rights. He thought that those laws (the He earnestly and anxiously hoped for the arrival compromise measures) might have been made of that day." equally effective as a measure of relief and protection to the South, while they might have been We have not thought proper to curtail deprived of some features which tend to irritate and excite the North, and at the same time, by these remarks, as they appear to us to expossibility, unnecessarily to jeopard the rights of hibit the true temper and feeling of the the free citizen. He thought that without impair- Whigs of the State of New-York, and to be ing any principle they might have been improved calculated to allay all fears that have been so as to afford the country substantial repose, and to silence clamor and opposition from any section. entertained of a re-opening of the issues to "But these measures passed into laws in the which they refer. They confirm and strengthspirit of compromise and of mutual concession.en the inferences and hopes we have drawn It was not to be expected that they should em- from the action of the Albany Committees ; body, exclusively, such enactments as any one sec- and we may confidently invite the Whigs of tion would have preferred. They were enacted, as he believed, constitutionally, and in conformity the whole Union to a candid consideration of with all the requirements and forms necessary to the views presented. On the liberal, consecure obedience, and to demand submission to ciliatory, constitutional, and conservative their provisions. If, in any respect, either of them grounds thus set forth and agreed to, there was liable to any constitutional objection, the Constitution itself provided the tribunal which was to need be no further contrariety of action adjudge the question. He believed that they did among any who are actuated by disinterested not, in all respects, meet the views of the Presi- desires for the stability of the Union, and its dent of the United States, but they received his highest purposes. It appears to be conceded official sanction and signature; and in his opinion by all, that nothing but mischief can come give that sanction. As President of the United from the further agitation of those abstract States, his responsibilities were very different from points on which those differences, now hapthose of a representative in Congress from the pily harmonized, arose. No man, we think, Erie District. dare again, in the present temper of the "From the moment that the compromise measures became laws, he (Gov. F.) had unhesitatingly, country, open anew the unprofitable and at all times, avowed his acquiescence in them. He dangerous theme. All sides must see that would not allow his private judgment as to some of nothing practical could come from it; whilst their provisions to interfere with his duty, either as it is inevitable that all those measures essena citizen or as a magistrate, to uphold the suprem- tial to the business, the strength, and the acy of the laws, to submit to its provisions, to let it be enforced; and he would add, while he could progress of the Nation must be left untouched. not sacrifice the right to maintain his own opinions Parties must become utterly disintegrated or with regard to the impolicy of some of the details dead, the soul of their principles being gone, of those laws, he would not here, or in any posi- whilst demagogues and other harpies prey tion, or at any time, press those objections for the upon the lifeless bodies that in their living purpose of agitation, or to the risk of producing or reviving sectional controversies or embittered geo-energy and generous strife for their legitigraphical divisions. Believing that the Constitution entitled the South to laws, efficient to secure the rights which were guaranteed to it, he could not look with favor upon a proposition for repeal; and while he earnestly hoped for a modification and amendment of some of the provisions of these laws, the time of excitement was not, in his opinion, the time for wise and prudent action. He did not desire, at present, to discuss these questions. He hoped and believed that the time would soon come, when the excitement of the late agitation should be only a matter of history, and should,

the President could not have done otherwise than

mate principle, animated the body politic with a wholesome antagonism.

Yes, there has been enough discussion and excitement to show the temper of all. Those principles which cannot be yielded on either side, have been clearly brought into view. The rights of all have been clearly defined in the intense discussions already had, and the duties of all have been made plain; so that "he that runs may read."

« PreviousContinue »