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never before, and with increasing transportation facilities come increasing knowledge and larger trade. Prices are fixed with mathematical precision by supply and demand. The world's selling prices are regulated by market and crop reports. We travel greater distances in a shorter space of time, and with more ease, than was ever dreamed of by the fathers.
Isolation is no longer possible or desirable. The same important news is read, though in different languages, the same day in all Christendom. The telegraph keeps us advised of what is occurring everywhere, and the press foreshadows, with more or less accuracy, the plans and purposes of nations. Market prices of products and of securities are hourly known in every commercial mart, and the investments of the people extend beyond their own national boundaries into the remotest parts of the earth. Vast transactions are conducted and international exchanges are made by the tick of the cable. Every event of interest is immediately bulletined.
The quick gathering and transmission of news, like rapid transit, are of recent origin, and are only made possible by the genius of the inventor and the courage of the investor. It took a special messenger of the Government, with every facility known at the time for rapid travel, nineteen days to go from the city of Washington to New Orleans, with a message to General Jackson that the war with England had ceased and a treaty of peace had been signed. How different now!..
At the beginning of the nineteenth century there was not a mile of steam railroad on the globe. Now there are enough miles to make its circuit many times. Then there was not a line of electric telegraph ; now we have a vast mileage traversing all lands and all seas. God and man have linked the nations together. No nation can longer be indifferent to any other. And, as we are brought more and more in touch with each other, the less occasion is there for misunderstanding and the stronger the disposition, when we have differences, to adjust them in the court of arbitration, the noblest form for the settlement of international disputes.
My fellow-citizens, trade statistics indicate that this country is in a state of unexampled prosperity. The figures are almost appalling. They show that we are utilizing our fields and forests and mines, and that we are furnishing profitable employment to the millions of workingmen throughout the United States, bringing comfort and happiness to their homes, and making it possible to lay by savings for old age and disability.
That all the people are participating in this great prosperity is seen in every American community, and shown by the enormous and unprecedented deposits in our savings banks. Our duty is the care and security
of these deposits, and their safe investment demands the highest integrity and the best business capacity of those in charge of these depositories of the people's earnings.
We have a vast and intricate business, built up through years of toil and struggle, in which every part of the country has its stake, which will not permit of either neglect or undue selfishness. No narrow, sordid policy will subserve it. The greatest skill and wisdom on the part of manufacturers and producers will be required to hold and increase it. Our industrial enterprises, which have grown to such great proportions, affect the homes and occupations of the people and the welfare of the country.
Our capacity to produce has developed so enormously, and our products have so multiplied, that the problem of more markets requires our urgent and immediate attention. Only a broad and enlightened policy will keep what we have. No other policy will get more. In these times of marvelous business energy and gain we ought to be looking to the future, strengthening the weak places in our industrial and commercial systems, that we may be ready for any storm or strain.
By sensible trade arrangements which will not interrupt our home production we shall extend the outlet for our increasing surplus. tem which provides a mutual exchange of commodities is manifestly essential to the continued and healthful growth of our export trade. We must not repose in fancied security that we can forever sell everything and buy little or nothing. If such a thing were possible it would not be best for us, or for those with whom we deal. We should take from our customers such of their products as we can use without harm to our industries and labor.
Reciprocity is the natural outgrowth of our wonderful industrial development under the domestic policy now firmly established. What we produce beyond our domestic consumption must lave a vent abroad. The excess must be relieved through a foreign outlet, and we should sell everywhere we can and buy wherever the buying will enlarge our sales and productions, and thereby make a greater demand for home labor.
The period of exclusiveness is past. The expansion of our trade and commerce is the pressing problem. Commercial wars are unprofitable. A policy of good will and friendly trade relations will prevent reprisals. Reciprocity treaties are in harmony with the spirit of the times; measures of retaliation are not. If, perchance, some of our tariffs are no longer needed for revenue or to encourage and protect our industries at home, why should they not be employed to extend and promote our markets abroad? Then, too, we have inadequate steamship service.
New lines of steamers have already been put into commission between the Pacific Coast ports of the United States and those on the western coasts of Mexico and Central and South America. These should be followed up with direct steamship lines between the eastern coast of the United States and South American ports.
One of the needs of the times is direct commercial lines from our vast fields of production to the fields of consumption that we have but barely touched. Next in advantage to having the thing to sell is to have the convenience to carry it to the buyer. We must encourage our merchant marine. We must have more ships. They must be under the American flag, built and manned and owned by Americans. These will not only be profitable in a commercial sense; they will be messengers of peace and amity wherever they go.
We must build the Isthmian Canal, which will unite the two oceans and give a straight line of water communication with the western coasts of Central and South America and Mexico. The construction of a Pacific cable cannot be longer postponed. .
Who can tell the new thoughts that have been awakened, the ambitions fired and the high achievements that will be wrought through this Exposition ? Gentlemen, let us ever remember that our interest is in accord, not conflict, and that our real eminence rests in the victories of peace, not those of war. We hope that all who are represented here may be moved to higher and nobler effort for their own and the world's good, and that out of this city may come, not only greater commerce and trade for us all, but, more essential than these, relations of mutual respect, confidence and friendship which will deepen and endure.
Our earnest prayer is that God will graciously vouchsafe prosperity, happiness and peace to all our neighbors, and like blessings to all the peoples and powers of earth.
ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE (1862-22)
THE BRILLIANT INDIANA ORATOR
MONG the younger men who have attained the honor of member
ship in the United States Senate may be named Albert Jeremiah
Beveridge, whose elevation to a seat in that distinguished body was a suitable reward for his brilliant oratorical powers and statesmanlike abilities. Like so many of our leading legislators, Mr. Beveridge was essentially a self-made man. Born on an Ohio farm, he obtained an education by working his way through DePauw University, for which laudable purpose he took up the honorable calling of a bookagent. His adopted profession was that of the law, in which he became an advocate in many important cases in the courts of Indiana. While still a boy, he had shown himself a ready and eloquent speaker in college contests, and he now employed his skill in oratory in the field of Republican politics, winning so high a position in his party as to be elected to the Senate from Indiana for the term beginning March, 1899. In the summer of 1899, Mr. Beveridge visited Eastern Asia, where he made a thorough study of the relations of the Russians and Chinese in Manchuria, his observations leading to a series of illuminating letters which throw new light upon the position and purposes of Russia in Asia.
EULOGY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY [At the meeting of the National League of Republican Clubs, held at Chicago in October, 1902, Senator Beveridge made a brief but telling speech, than which we can offer no more characteristic example of his style of oratory. Its occasion gave the cue to its character, which is that of an ardent eulogy of the Republican party, of whose principles Mr. Beveridge is an earnest advocate.]
Young blood is Republican blood. It is the blood that believes and builds; the blood of faith and hope and deeds. That is why there is no
ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE
political home for Young Americans except in the Republican party. Young Americans are believers in the Republic's future. They do not think that all the great work has been done.
Last year the Superintendent of a great railway system that enters Chicago—himself a penniless, friendless boy who started as a freight handler at 50 cents a day, and who is now only 50 years of age—told me that among the 10,000 men under him he was searching for an Assistant Superintendent equal to the work required. Said he: “The question is not, Shall I take Brown or Jones or Smith? The question is, Where is the man ?" And that is the question which industry and politics and religion and all the world has asked since the dawn of history, and never asked so earnestly as to-day. “Where is the man ?" asks modern society. And the Republican party would have you say: "I am he by virtue of my good right hand ! I am be by virtue of days of toil and nights of study !” Democracy would have you say in answer : "I am not he, and he does not live. You ask too much You ask for equipment; I offer you complaint. You ask industry; I offer you words."
Greater America and Republicanism ; little America and Democracy. It is no new story. In the history of every expanding race, its advance has been opposed within itself. In England there were and are little Englanders who saw ruin in every forward march of the British Empire that circles the world with civilization. In Russia there were little Russians who resisted the instinct of expansion and held in check for half a century the flight of the Russian eagles. In Germany there were little Germans who fought the consolidation of the German people. Where are all of them now? History has effaced their names from the chronicles of time, as nature destroys all trace of resistance to her fecund and productive forces. So shall it be in America, and the children's children of those who now declare that imperialism is our death, and not our life, will refuse to admit that their fathers advocated such a doctrine; and they will refuse successfully, because the world will have forgotten the names of those who at the beginning of the twentieth century resisted the Republic's world advance.
You cannot name the men who fought Jefferson's purchase of Louisiana; they are forgotten. You cannot name the men who declared that the seizure of Texas and California was the Republic's doom; they are forgotten. You cannot name the men who declaimed against the folly of taking Alaska; they are forgotten. Yet, when Jefferson's works shall have grown dim, his capture for the Republic of the vast territory which is now the Republic's heart will be his immortal monument. When Seward's irrepressible conflict shall have become a curious phrase, his