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THE UNITED STATES

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CHAPTER I.

1861.

THE OPENING OF THE WAR.

Lincoln's call for volunteers and the response of the States — The attack on the 6th Massachusetts at Baltimore Lincoln's proclamation blockading Southern ports Seizure of Harper's Ferry and the Gosport navy yard Lee's resignation - Union meetings in New York - The attitude of Maryland - The case of John Merry- The struggle for Kentucky and Missouri - The secession of Texas - Acts of the Confederate Congress Comparison of the North and South - The occupation of Alexandria, and Ellsworth's death Engagements at Romney, New Creek and Big Bethel - The formation of a separate government in West Virginia The fight at Philippi - The Battle of Rich Mountain Tennessee's course Acts and resolutions passed at the special session of Congress - The demand for a forward movement of the armyMcDowell's defeat at the first battle of Bull Run.

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ANGUAGE can hardly portray

the state of feeling when news of the bombardment of Fort Sumter reached the North. The attack convinced nearly everyone that the time for argument had passed and that compromise and entreaty had given way to action. With stern determination the Northern people accepted the responsibilities which this grave event thrust upon them and warmly approved the policy foreshadowed by President Lincoln when, on April 15, he issued a proclamation* calling for 75,000 militia to suppress combinations obstructing the execution of the laws in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Missis

For which see Richardson, Messages and Papers, vol. vi., pp. 13-14.

sippi, Louisiana and Texas.* Accompanying the President's proclamation were requisitions upon the governors of 24 States, the seceded States being omitted, while California, Oregon and Kansas were passed over as too distant. The States were called upon to furnish their respective quotas of

The New York Times was of the opinion that the rebellion would be short-lived. "Let us make quick work. The 'Rebellion' as some people designate it, is an embryo tadpole. Let us not fall into the delusion, noted by Hallam, of mistaking a local commotion' for a revolu tion. A strong, active pull together will do our work effectually in thirty days. We have only to send a column of twenty-five thousand men across the Potomac to Richmond, and burn out the rats there; another column of twenty-five thousand to Cairo, seizing the cotton ports of the Mississippi, and retaining the remaining twentyfive thousand included in Mr. Lincoln's call for seventy-five thousand men at Washington, not because there is need for them there, but because

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THE RESPONSE TO LINCOLN'S CALL FOR VOLUNTEERS.

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militia for three months' service, the largest apportionment being to New York, 13,280, to Pennsylvania, 12,500, and to Ohio, 10,153. The replies of the governors indicated the general sentiment of the people. From Illinois came word that the day after the governor's call was published 40 companies had tendered their services.* From Vermont came information that the citizens would respond with great enthusiasm to any call for sustaining the government against the designs of the conspirators." Iowa stated that the two parties existing in the State ten days previously had merged into one which was "for the Constitution and Union unconditionally." Indiana reported that 6,000 men were in camp on April 23 and six additional regiments had tendered their services. Dennison, of Ohio, reported that so great was the response to the proclamation that without seriously repressing the ardor of the people I can hardly stop short of 20 regiments."§ According to the report of the Secretary of War

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there were in the field on July 1 at the command of the Government 310,000 men, but according to the report of the provost-marshal-general there were in the service on July 1 an aggregate of 16,422 regulars and 170,329 volunteers or a total of 186,751 men.* Party lines seemed to be obliterated. Men apparently forgot that they had ever been Democrats or Republicans, the partisan being lost in the patriot. On Sunday evening, April 14, Douglas at his own request had a long confidential interview with Lincoln, and on the following morning, side by side with Lincoln's proclamation, the country read the telegraphic announcement that while Douglas was yet "unalterably opposed to the Administration on all its political issues, he was prepared to sustain the President in the exercise of all his constitutional functions to preserve the Union, maintain the government, and defend the Federal capital."†

In the South the revolutionary excitement rose to a similar height. The President's proclamation "was received at Montgomery with derisive

* Frederick Phisterer, Statistical Record of the Armies of the United States, p. 62.

Johnson, Life of Douglas, p. 477; Nicolay and Hay, Life of Lincoln, vol. iv., pp. 80-84. See also Henry P. Willis, Stephen A. Douglas (1911). Before his death on June 3 Douglas made an address and issued a message urging the people to sustain the National Government. See Johnson, p. 486 et seq.; Moore, Rebellion Record, vol. i., Rumors and Incidents, p. 110. For tributes as to the value of his influence at this time see Stephens, The War between the States, vol. ii., .p. 421; Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life, p. 359.

REFUSAL OF THE SOUTH TO FURNISH TROOPS.

laughter; the newspapers were refreshed with the Lincolniana of styling sovereign States unlawful combinations' and warning a people standing on their own soil to return. within twenty days to their homes'; and, in Virginia, the secessionists were highly delighted at the strength Mr. Lincoln had unwittingly or perversely contributed to their cause. On April 8 21,000 volunteers were conditionally asked for by the Confederate government and on April 16 the Confederate Secretary of War, Walker, notified the governors of the seceded States that 32,000 more must be immediately prepared to take the field.t Walker requested also that the forts and military posts within the limits of these States be formally turned over to the control of the Confederate government. On the 17th permission was asked of the executives of Arkansas and Tennessee to plant batteries to blockade the Mississippi. The governors of Maryland and Delaware endeavored to hold a middle ground and were not prepared for decisive action,§ but in the other border States there was no attempt to disguise the determination not to aid the Federal government. Governor Magoffin, of Kentucky, wrote: Emphatically Kentucky will furnish no troops for

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* Pollard, First Year of the War, p. 59.

† Official Records, vol. i., pp. 64–65.

Ibid, pp. 69-70.

|| Ibid, pp. 70, 78.

§ Ibid, series iii., vol. i., pp. 135, 104-105; Moore, Rebellion Record, vol. i., Docs., p. 155.

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the wicked purpose of subduing her sister Southern States.''* Governor Ellis, of North Carolina, expressed himself as follows:

"I can be no party to this wicked violation of the laws of the country and to this war upon the liberties of a free people. You can get no troops from North Carolina." †

Governor Rector, of Arkansas,

wrote:

"In answer to your requisition for troops from Arkansas to subjugate the Southern States I have to say that none will be furnished. The demand is only adding insult to injury. The people of this commonwealth are freemen, not slaves, and will defend to the last extremity their honor, lives and property against Northern mendacity and usurpation." ‡

Governor Harris, of Tennessee, wrote:

"In such an unholy crusade no gallant son of Tennessee will ever draw his sword. Tennessee will not furnish a single man for coercion but 50,000 if necessary for the defence of our rights or those of our Southern brethren." ||

Governor Jackson, of Missouri, spoke even more strongly :

"No doubt these men are intended to make war upon the seceded States. Your requisition in my judgment is illegal, unconstitutional and revolutionary in its objects, inhuman and diabolical, and cannot be complied with. Not one man will the State of Missouri furnish to carry on such unholy crusade." §

Governor Letcher, of Virginia,

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