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savages. It is the idlest of chatter to speak of savages as being fit for self-government, and though it is occasionally heard from excellent and well-meaning people, people who believe what they say, it usually covers another motive behind it means that people are afraid to undertake a great task, and cover up their fear by using some term which will give it the guise of philanthropy. If we refrain from doing our part of the world's work, it will not alter the fact that that work has got to be done, only it will have to be done by some stronger race, because we will have shown ourselves weaklings. I do not speak merely from the standpoint of American interests, but from the standpoint of civilization and humanity.

It is indefinitely better for the whole world that Russia should have taken Turkestan, that France should have taken Algiers and that England should have taken India. The success of an Algerian or of a Sepoy revolt would be a hideous calamity to all mankind, and those who abetted it, directly or indirectly, would be traitors to civilization. And so exactly the same reasoning applies to our own dealings with the Philippines. We must treat them with absolute justice, but we must treat them also with firmness and courage. They must be made to realize that justice does not proceed from a sense of weakness on our part, that we are the masters. Weakness in any form or shape, as you gentlemen, who all your lives have upheld the honor of the flag ashore and afloat, know is the unpardonable sin in dealing with such a problem as that with which we are confronted in the Philippines. The insurrection must be stamped out as mercifully as possible; but it must be stamped out.

We have put an end to a corrupt mediæval tyranny, and by that very fact we have bound ourselves to see that no

savage anarchy takes its place. What the Spaniard has been taught the Malay must learn that the American flag is to float unchallenged where it floats now. But remember this, that when this has been accomplished our task has only just begun. Where we have won entrance by the prowess of our soldiers we must deserve to continue by the righteousness, the wisdom and the evenhanded justice of our rule. The American administrators in the Philippines, as in Cuba and Porto Rico, must be men chosen for signal capacity and integrity; men who will administer the provinces on behalf of the entire Nation from which they come, and for the sake of the entire people to which they go. If we permit our public service in the Philippines to become the prey of the spoils politicians, if we fail to keep it up to the highest standard, we shall be guilty of an act, not only of wickedness, but of weak and short-sighted folly, and we shall have begun to tread the path which was trod by Spain to her own bitter humiliation. Let us not deceive ourselves. We have a great duty to perform and we shall show ourselves a weak and a poor spirited people if we fail to set about doing it, or if we fail to do it aright. We are bound to face the situations that arise with courage, and we are no less bound to see that where the sword wins the land, the land shall be kept by the rule of righteous law. We have taken upon ourselves, as in honor bound, a great task, befitting a great nation, and we have a right to ask of every citizen, of every true American, that he shall with heart and hand uphold the leaders of the nation as from a brief and glorious war they strive to a lasting peace that shall redound not only to the interests of the conquered people, not only to the honor of the American public, but to the permanent advancement of civilization and of all mankind.

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ADDRESS ON THE OCCASION of the Banquet Tendered
TO HON. JOSEPH H. CHOATE, UNITED STATES AM-
BASSADOR TO ENGLAND, AT THE UNION LEAGUE
CLUB, NEW YORK CITY, FEBRUARY 17, 1899

When our host

MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN: spoke with such just eulogy of the Anglo-Saxon race, I could not help turning to Mr. Cockran and asking him, in our joint behalf, where the Dutch and Irish come in. I think that our presence here to-night emphasizes just what we meant, that those who belong to the Englishspeaking race by adoption, by spirit, by the inheritance of common ideas and common aspirations, have the right to hail the renewed friendship between the English-speaking people of the British Isles and the English-speaking people of this great continent exactly as have any of those whose forefathers came over in the Mayflower or first settled on the banks of the James; and when our Ambassador goes to England I know he will remember, not only the facts that have been put before you in the magnificent oratory of Mr. Cockran to-night, but one other fact that Mr. Cockran forgot. Mr. Cockran did well to dwell upon the place that has been won by the great qualities of the English-speaking peoples; he did well to dwell upon how much we have owed to the feats of the great captains of industry, to the feats of the men of letters, of the men of law. But the Ambassador will also remember how much has been owing to the men who carried the sword. I see here in the audience before me many men who either wear, or could if

they chose wear, the button that shows that they fought in the most righteous war of modern times; and yet the statesmanship of Abraham Lincoln would have come to naught had it not been for the soldiership of Grant, Sherman and Sheridan, of Thomas and of Farragut.

There have been other races as great in war as the English-speaking people, but they have not been as great in peace. There have been other races as great in peace but they have not shown themselves as great in war. The great point in the upbuilding of the so-called AngloSaxon people (I am unable to go into the nice ethnic distinction that would make of Clive, of Wellington, and Nelson, Normans - I much doubt whether Washington, and Andrew Jackson, Grant, and Phil Sheridan, were Normans) the great point in the upbuilding of our own nation, has been that together with the love for peace has gone the ability to carry on war; that with the love for letters, with the love of orderly obedience to law, has gone the capacity to stand up stoutly for the right when menaced by any foreign foes. And the Ambassador will go to England holding his head the higher, not only because he goes from a land that has won such triumphs of peace; not only because he goes from a land that has added to the reputation of the jurist of the world because it has produced men like himself; that has added to the oratory of the world by the presence in it of men like yourself, Mr. Cockran; but he will go holding his head the higher because Dewey's guns thundered at Manila and the Spanish ships were sunk off Santiago Bay. (Applause.) All honor to the men of peace; and also all honor to the race that has shown that besides the men of peace it can in time of need bring forth men who are mighty in battle.

I feel that this Club has a peculiar right to pride itselt upon sending Mr. Choate as Ambassador, because Mr. Choate stands as the architype of the kind of American citizenship which this Club prides itself upon having produced. The greatest master of the English language that the world has ever seen; the writer with the keenest insight into human nature that any writer has had since the days of Holy Writ, has stated to mankind as his advice, "Above all to thine own self be true. Thou canst not then be false to any man." Mr. Choate has stated that he will come back as he goes, a good American, and we do not need the assurance, for he could come back nothing else. The first requisite in the statesmanship that shall benefit mankind, so far as we are concerned, is that that statesmanship shall be thoroughly AmeriNo American statesman who forgot to be first and foremost an American, was ever yet able to do anything to benefit the world as a whole. The world moves upward, as a whole, by means of the people who make the different countries of the world move upward. The man who lifts America higher, by just so much, makes higher the civilization of all mankind.

can.

Now, Mr. Choate has here in our life fulfilled the two cardinal duties of minding his own business well and also minding the business of the State. Neither will do by itself. We do not wish the aid of those excellent people who can manage the affairs of other people but not their own, nor yet of those who are content to benefit themselves but leave the work of the State undone. The great note in the work that has been done by this Club has been the note of disinterested labor for the common good by men who have shown that they

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