operations, it is not an exact parallel to the land and the sea. The land and sea touch only on their extreme limits; therefore land and naval forces do not, as a rule, function intimately, tactically, in battle. On the other hand, the air is contiguous throughout to both of the other theaters; therefore operations in it are intimately connected at all times with the operations of the land or naval forces. Where there is a naval battle with airplanes and seaplanes they are an entity of the general engagement. Where there is a land battle of the same type the same conditions exist. As this is so, the naval airships should train with the Navy in order to master naval warfare; and equally with the Army to master land warfare. The general maxim holds good that for the most effective work it is necessary to have units trained together and thoroughly familiar with each other. For this reason, I have even heard divisional commanders make the point that the divisional airplanes should be a permanent detail.

Again, for effective application of power, there must be unity of command. History has proved that a fair plan promptly conceived and actively prosecuted will triumph over a better plan tardily decided upon and half-heartedly pushed. For this reason, if for no other, there must be no division of authority.

Though there must be a separation of the military and naval air services, there must be a co-ordination between them and other Governmental activities. This at the moment is practiced by the Army and Navy, who have a joint board, called the Aeronautical Board, which discusses all plans made by either department.

Professor of Engineering, Columbia University; Dr. Charles F. Marvin, Chief of the Weather Bureau; Dr. John F. Hay ford, Director of the College of Engineering, Northwestern University; Dr. William F. Durand, in charge of the Mechanical Department, Leland Stanford University; Dr. Joseph S. Ames, head of the Department of Physics, Johns Hopkins University; and Dr. L. W. Stratton, Director of the Bureau of Standards.

We have at present the National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics, of This Committee, under an appropriawhich the chairman is Charles D. Wal- tion from Congress, carries on research cott, President of the Smithsonian Insti- and experimental engineering for the tution and a scientist of the first order. aid of commercial aviation and for all On it, in addition to representatives of of the Governmental organizations. Unthe Army and Navy, are Orville Wright, der the law, they hold themselves at the one of the brothers first to fly a heavier- service of any department or agency of than-air machine; Dr. Michael I. Pupin, the Government interested in aero

U. S. Navy Department photograph

SECRETARY ROOSEVELT BOARDS THE U. s. S. PENNSYLVANIA AT GUANTANAMO

nautics for the furnishing of information of assistance in regard to scientific and technical matters relating to aeronautics, and in particular for the investigation and study of problems in this field with a view to their practical solution. They have been, and can be in the future, of the highest value, and the Board should be extended to embrace representatives of the postal and commercial departments.

President Harding has indicated to the country his full appreciation of the importance of our air policy in his Message. He has said, in part, as follows:

"Aviation is inseparable from either the Army or the Navy, and the Government must, in the interests of National defense, encourage its development for military and civil purposes. The encouragement of the civil development of aeronautics is especially desirable as relieving the Government largely of the expense of the development and maintenance of aircraft now almost entirely borne by the Government through appropriations for military, naval, and postal services. The air mail service is an important initial step in the direction of commercial aviation.

"I recommend the enactment of legislation establishing a bureau of aeronautics in the Navy Department to centralize the control of naval activities in aeronautics, and removing the restrictions on the personnel detailed to aviation in the Navy.

"The Army air service should be continued as a co-ordinate combatant of the Army, and its existing organization utilized in co-operation with other agencies of the Government in the establishment of National transcontinental airways and in co-operation with the States

in the establishment of local airdromes and landing fields."

This clearly states, in unmistakable terms, the President's grasp of the problem. In compliance with his announced policies, there are at this time before Congress a number of bills, some of which will probably become law before this article is printed. Congressman Frederick C. Hicks, of New York, has submitted a bill which provides for the formation of a bureau of civil aeronautics in the Department of Commerce. The terms of the bill were made to conform with the President's recommendations.

Congressman Hicks also has introduced a bill for the creation of a bureau of aeronautics in the Department of the Navy, embracing to the letter the recommendations of the President, and there have been included in the appropriation of the army air service, aerial mail, Weather Bureau, and the various departments funds for the employment

of aviation in specified and detailed activities to which aeronautics are adapted.

Great as the importance of this potential development is, we must steer a careful course and refuse to let the wildeyed dreamers carry us to unfortunate extremes. We are dealing with problems and possibilities, and we must accept them as just that and no more. There are well-meaning visionaries among us who would treat figments of their imagination as facts and abandon the capital ship and the Navy as obsolete. Do not be deceiyed by them. The capital ship is still the body of the Navy, the infantry is still the body of the Army, and both will remain so. The air service is an important auxiliary arm. This type of prophet is not strange or new. We have had him with us before at the time of the invention of the Whitehead torpedo, when he prophesied in the same way that the capital ship had gone. Indeed, France,

working on that assumption, abandoned the building of large ships and turned to the construction of many small ones. She, however, soon saw the error of her judgment and returned to her original programme. In the same way, the machine gun was to eliminate the infantry, but with the machine gun developed as never before it was still the infantry which won the last great land battles. The submarine has its defects as the universal naval "panacea," but the greatest exponent of its use, Admiral von Tirpitz, in his "Memoirs," published lately, says that his only regret is that he did not build more battleships.

We must face the future with foresight. We must, however, deal with facts, not fancies. We must therefore follow the President's programme and adopt a sound, comprehensive, constructive air policy which will place our country in a position to take full advantage of the development the future holds.

KR

ODAK pictures of our friends are sometimes not so flattering as formal portraits, but, on the other hand, they are frequently attractive by their naturalness and unexpectedness. Snap-shots of leading personalities are pretty much the same. Occasionally they are disillusioning, but often enough they present a celebrity at a new and unexpected angle.

BE

ERNARD SHAW, unlike some writers, reflects his writings in his conversation. He is a tall, lean man with a sandy beard turning gray, gentle quizzical eyes, and the softest voice that ever dropped bitter sayings. Audaciously aggressive in mind, he is shrinkingly apologetic in manner. He has, as all the world knows, a contempt for Shakespeare. I heard him once pour scorn on "As You Like It" and say that he himself had written a far better play. "Shakespeare," he added, "was a gentleman of my own profession, and I have nothing much to say against him. Besides, he was not entirely without ability. He occasionally wrote very decent prose."

I talked with Shaw years ago about his choice of James Corbett, the heavyweight champion of the world, as the principal actor in one of his plays which had a bearing on pugilism. "Incongruous," I said, "for you, a highbrow, to put a prize-fighter to play a leading part in one of your dramas."

"Why?" replied Shaw. "I don't see anything incongruous in it. Mr. Corbett is at the head of his profession, even as I am at the head of mine. What better combination could there be?"

Shaw's religious opinions are a matter of doubt, but he is generally acpted as an agnostic. It was in these

umstances, while I was editor of a

BY FRANK DILNOT

Paul Thompson

"BERNARD SHAW IS A TALL, LEAN MAN WITH A SANDY BEARD TURNING GRAY, GENTLE QUIZZICAL EYES, AND THE SOFTEST VOICE THAT EVER DROPPED BITTER SAYINGS"

the Salvation Army has enough genuine religion in it to specialise in jolly hymn tunes), is a highly enjoyable, healthy and recreative exercise. Now the art of leading a choir, or an orchestra, or anything else, consists, not in being "carried away," but in carrying other people away; and this I did with such success that a young lady in the Army bonnet took my hands as we left the box at the end of the meeting, and said, with moist eyes, "We know, don't we?" And really I think we did; so I refrained from explaining to the lady that the daily papers habitually paralyse their readers with horror by describing me as an atheist, and that I would have sung just as lustily to Allah in a mosque or to Brahma in a temple if the music had been equally inspired.

Mr. Blathwayt did not appreciate the story, or else he forgot it. I suspect him of considering religion as a sort of drunkenness of the soul (many Englishmen do), and therefore of misunderstanding my conviction that it is the intensest sanity and sobriety of the soul. The religion that carries people away is not my religion. My religion brings them to their senses. Hence, perhaps, its unpopularity. G. BERNARD SHAW.

AST summer I was in Czechoslovakia as the guest of the Government, and saw some interesting things, including the formal inauguration of the new Republic. A deep impression was left on me by President Masaryk, the simple-mannered, white-haired old professor who as the head of state occupies some rooms in the great palace which used to belong to the Hapsburgs. As I listened to his modest words and looked into those calm and gentle eyes it was hard to realize that this apparently unforceful man had remolded a nation. I did

(C) Paul Thompson

"PRESIDENT MASARYK, THE SIMPLEMANNERED, WHITE-HAIRED OLD PROFESSOR WHO AS THE HEAD OF STATE OCCUPIES SOME ROOMS IN THE GREAT PALACE WHICH USED TO BELONG TO THE HAPSBURGS"

not get his secret. I had some indication, however, of that hidden power two days later when I was present at the opening meeting of the Czechoslovakian Parliament. A minority of German members raised a tumult because of the use of the Bohemian language in place of the use of the German language, as of old. Three-quarters of the gathering were Czechoslovakian patriots, and under great provocation they sat absolutely silent even when the Germans flagrantly insulted the new President. Such good manners and wisdom were phenomenal. I asked a Czech leader about it afterward. "It was entirely due to Masaryk," he said. "He schooled us to that for the occasion, and it was just an example of the kind of man he is."

NOTHER democratic ruler of a country

A whom I met during the war was

Prime Minister Knudsen, of Norway, a simple-mannered old man with spectacles, who sat at a flat-topped desk in Christiania pretty much like a New York business man in his office in the Woolworth Building. Norway, heart and soul with the Allies, was sending out ships regardless of the fact that a large proportion of them were sunk by the submarines, that great numbers of Norwegian sailors were being drowned, and that Scandinavia as a whole was under the menace of Germany, then at the zenith of her power. Mr. Knudsen, with chiefs of departments at his disposal, troubled none of them, but he dived into drawers for facts and figures as he explained to me with simple businesslike illustrations that the sovereignty of Norway must be preserved at any cost, and that the people were all of one mind. This unpretentious old Norseman would have come out into the streets of Christiania to show me what

Iwas being done to safeguard the food and housing of the population under the existing pressure. Never was there in one person a more complete embodiment of the characteristics of his nationdirectness, modesty, and courage.

L

INKED up with Masaryk and Knudsen

there is another man of a different race, namely, Milyukov, the intellectual leader of the first Russian revolution that banished Czardom forever. It may well be that out of the present chaos of Bolshevism there will presently emerge a constitutional democratic Russian Government, and, if that should be so, it is inevitable that Milyukov will play a leading part, perhaps the dominant part. I met him just before the war in Petrograd in the Duma, a studious, cultivated, modest man who had traveled much, marked by a certain selfeffacement in manner and by a fervor for information, learned as he was. At that moment there must have been working in him the germs which led to the overthrow of the last of the great despotic monarchies. He radiated an inquiring sympathy as to constitutional

Paul Thompson

"ANOTHER DEMOCRATIC RULER OF A COUNTRY WHOM I MET DURING THE WAR WAS PRIME MINISTER KNUDSEN, OF NORWAY, A SIMPLE-MANNERED OLD MAN WITH

SPECTACLES"

methods in America and Britain and, like many other strangers, had a tremendous regard for both their modes and moods. Little wonder, in view of all that had happened in Russia, the home of tyranny and oppression. It was within a few days of meeting Milyukov that I came in touch with a man who personified the mediævalism of his country-Dournovo, Minister of the Interior, practically the domestic ruler of Russia during the massacres and banishments which followed the uprisings some few years previous. He was ironhanded. Meetings of workers in the streets were corralled and were shot down with cold-blooded precision. Schoolrooms in Warsaw and other places where these tragedies had been enacted had been previously pointed out to me. I saw Dournovo at a dinner given to distinguished English guests in Petrograd, and, knowing that he was to be

one of the speakers, I wondered what he could possibly find in common with representatives of modern democratic methods. He was a little squat-faced man. His cold eyes and straight mouth portrayed his physical courage, and to those who knew his history he represented not so much the sixteenth century as the twelfth century. His little speech was a dramatic surprise. That man of blood and steel said that he derived much of his rest and recreation from the reading of the placid domestic English novel with its portrayal of home life, peace, and happiness. It may have been an idle compliment. I fancy, however, that there was more than a grain of truth in his words, so strangely compacted is the human soul. I have mentioned Dournovo because the day of him and his like are past, at least for this generation. He provides some kind of contrast to the men who are now in control of affairs.

MODERN unofficial leader in England

A is Lord Northcliffe, a self-made

man, the owner of a hundred publications from the famous London "Times" down to a comic journal for boys. At once brilliant, erratic, and sincere, his mind and his mood are as elusive as the seven winds of heaven. His personality is infinitely more interesting than his policy, whatever the latter may be for the moment. Picture a square-faced man with mouth drooping at the corners, a lock of tawny hair falling over his square forehead, and with eyes that fluctuate between a sinister gloom and a boyish exuberance. It is far easier for him to bubble over with enthusiasm than to be the harsh and dogmatic critic that he sometimes is. Only those who have never met Lord Northcliffe voice hatred toward him. He has a quick, sympathetic, youthful unreserve which attracts both men and women. Stories necessarily cluster around such a man, especially when he has made himself into a multi-millionaire.

He used frequently to be in the editorial rooms of the "Daily Mail" when the men were at work at night, and

when the mood was on him he would have little conversations with the junior members of the staff who were at work at their desks. On one occasion he stopped at the desk of a young fellow fresh from college who had not long been in the office.

"Do you like the work?" asked Lord Northcliffe in a kindly way.

"Yes," was the reply. "I like it quite well."

"How much money are you getting?" "Five pounds a week," the man replied.

"And are you happy and contented?" The young man made the only possible reply. "Thoroughly," said he.

"You are!" snapped Lord Northcliffe. "Well, remember, then, I want no man happy and contented in this firm at five pounds a week."

A reporter who had been but a short time with the "Daily Mail" died suddenly after an operation for appendicitis. He left a wife and one little child. Lord Northcliffe called a board meeting the day after the man's death, and within twenty-four hours a sum of a thousand pounds had been invested for the wife. One day Lord Northcliffe ascended from his own rooms on the main floor to the offices of one of his principal papers, bringing in his hand a clipping from an evening paper which set forth how in a country village an automobile had knocked down and killed a child and had sped on its way regardless. The car could not be traced. He gave instructions that every measure of publicity should be engaged in finding out the identity of the car. The story was written up in dramatic form. An offer of one hundred pounds was made for any one who could give facts as to the ownership of the car, and the best investigating journalist on the staff was sent down to the country to probe matters. The almost malicious glee of the other papers in Fleet Street may be imagined when it was found out through the instrumentality of Lord Northcliffe's

papers that the car in question belonged to his brother, Hildebrand Harmsworth, having been taken out unknown to its owner by the chauffeur. Of course there was no more prominence in the Northcliffe papers about the matter, although rival journals did not forget to emphasize the story, including the offer of a hundred pounds reward. Incidentally, it may be mentioned that Mr. Hildebrand Harmsworth, a very kindly man, was deeply shocked at the discovery and did all that a generous expenditure of money could do to meet the loss of the bereaved parents. It was two weeks later that a murder mystery engaged the principal attention of the London papers. A murdered girl had been flung out of a train in a tunnel a few miles from London. The murderer could not be discovered. There was a consultation of departmental chiefs in Lord Northcliffe's office on the matter. Among other suggestions put forward was that a reward of a hundred pounds be offered for evidence. "A hundred pounds re

...

Bain
"LORD NORTHCLIFFE, A SELF-MADE MAN.
AT ONCE BRILLIANT, ERRATIC, AND
SINCERE, HIS MIND AND HIS MOOD ARE
AS ELUSIVE AS THE SEVEN WINDS OF
HEAVEN"

ward," said Lord Northcliffe, thoughtfully. "But where was my brother Hildebrand on that night?"

INGS have no longer any ruling

Bain

"JOHN BURNS, THE FIRST REAL LABOR LEADER THAT BRITAIN EVER HAD, AND PROBABLY THE ONLY ΜΑΝ OF REAL GENIUS UP TO THE PRESENT TIME IN THE BRITISH LABOR MOVEMENT"

Will Crooks talked as freely to his monarch as he would to a follower in the East End of London. Both men were soon deep in the troublous times which were upon England. The King plainly showed his anxiety about the future. Will Crooks, who is the most sympathetic soul in the world, tried to reassure the King as they shook hands in good-by: "Now, look here, old chap, don't you go worrying about things; everything is going to turn out all right, old fellow." There is cause for a little speculation in what must have been the mental attitude of the nobles and dignitaries clustered round as they observed the familiarity. But what the King thought of it is best expressed by the fact that before the next garden party he and the Queen together sent a special letter to Will Crooks and his wife, saying how much they wanted them to be present.

THE

HERE is some talk of John Burns reentering public life-John Burns, the first real Labor leader that Britain ever had, and probably the only man of real genius up to the present time in the British Labor Movement. I have known him for twenty years, and have enjoyed him as much in private as in public.

K power a first-class nation. He is a forceful, egotist

incident in which the King of England figured last year may be told in connection with the new spirit of affairs. Will Crooks,' a Labor member of Parliament, a cockney with a big black beard and devoid of aitches, a sincere and muchloved man, as remote from highbrow Socialists as from hide-bound Conservatives, was among the fashionable crowd of guests at the royal garden party. The King got him into conversation.

After

gift of pithy phrase and a splendid voice. A mutual friend thought it would be interesting to bring him in touch with Theodore Roosevelt when the latter was in England, for he knew that in vigor, humor, and individual power the two men had something in common. As a result they were introduced and spent some little time together. ward the mutual friend, with expectancy of a dual admiration, sought the opinion of each. Burns gave a grunt of disgust. "I've no use for this Roosevelt," he said, "I couldn't get a word in edgeways!" The mutual friend saw Roosevelt a few days later and asked him his opinion of Burns. Roosevelt made a

fierce gesture of contempt. "The man's a talking hyena!" he said.

W

TOMEN are bursting in on men's domain everywhere. Who would have imagined a few years ago that the first woman to take her seat in the British Parliament would be an American-born citizen? Lady Astor is already an eminent figure in public affairs. I remember seeing her take her seat in the House of Commons, a little figure, at once demure and alert, and showing no indication in her complacent self-confidence that she was making history and breaking a rule of centuries. She broke another rule before she had been in the House a week. It has been the custom for generations that a member, by placing his hat or card on a seat, could retain that seat for the rest of the sitting. Lady Astor came in one day, saw a vacant place, and took it. The member to whom it belonged entered a little later and found the custom of the ages had been violated by this transatlantic member. For two outraged seconds he stood like a man in a trance. Then he bowed to Lady Astor, who regarded him quizzically, and passed on to find a place on the back bench. Lady Astor will have many companions probably after the next election, but by virtue of priority she will be more or less the leader. Almost certainly one of her colleagues will be Miss Cristobal Pankhurst, so well known with her mother as a suffrage leader in the days when women

"WHO WOULD HAVE IMAGINED A FEW YEARS AGO THAT THE FIRST WOMAN TO TAKE HER SEAT IN THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT WOULD BE AN AMERICANBORN CITIZEN?

LADY ASTOR IS ALREADY AN EMINENT FIGURE IN PUBLIC AFFAIRS"

(C) Underwood

(C) Keystone