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manner in which the Napoleons have been dealt out at Milan. Colonel Brown must have had an unlimited sum at his command, and the liberty of using it at his own discretion. We have reason to believe that Majocchi will cost the Joint Stock Company above one thousand pounds, and the People a hundred or two more to prosecute him for perjury. The same might be said of Sacchi and De Mont. It should be recollected that these wretches have been kept in full pay for these last three years.

It was said in the spring of the year, that Vilmacarti, the Italian advocate, was a mere petty fogging lawyer, who lived in a back street of Milan, before the noted commission was established, and walked the streets in rags; but that on becoming a member of this commissien, he at once sprung into his carriage, and rode about the streets boasting that he had the Crown of England in his possession. This expression has never been contradicted, and we wonder that none of the papers have referred to it during the trial, as the evidence respecting this Vilmacarti has fully borne out the above assertion. It has been shown, that he and Colonel Browne have been authorised to spend what money they liked, and to suborn what perjury they could, since Cook and Powel have returned; and they have not ceased to purchase fresh and false witnesses up to the moment of the close of the defence of her Majesty. We shall most assuredly find these Italians exposing their employers in a short time, particularly if they can get further pay for doing it. We verily believe that Vilmacarti did say, and that he was jus tified in saying, that he carried the Crown of England in his pocket. We now believe that a full exposure of this business would drive the present royal family out of the country neck and crop. Talk of the tyranny of the Stuarts indeed! The Stuarts were the emblems of virtue when compared with the Guelphs, and the country, under the reign of the former, a free country to what it is at present. We hear members of Parliament talk of the hateful and justly expelled Stuarts, and extol the present family as the Saviours of the nation! Oh! Patience, how much longer can this mockery be tolerated? Give us a Plantagenet, a Tudor, a Stuart, or any thing but a Guelph. We wish to except her present Majesty. We verily believe that she is virtuous and incorruptible, otherwise she would not have been thus persecuted by the Guelphs. Throughout this infamous conspiracy, the name and connections of Lord Castlereagh break in upon us in every stage and shape. His brother, Lord Stuart, was the first to marshal the spies on the Continent,

and, from the evidence given by Majocchi, it appears that be was the Cashier and Paymaster-General of this force. From the first moment of Castlereagh's entrance into office he has never ceased to foment discords, conspiracies, plots, insurrections, and treasons. During the whole time of his being in office in Ireland, that country was kept in a state of anarchy, so that insurrections, hangings, and floggings, were continually going on; and as yet it is far from tranquillity, and is likely to be so until Castlereagh meets his doom. His cousin, Colonel Brown, has been another important feature in the conspiracy against the Queen. This man has been a sort of deputy to Lord Stewart, has been commander in chief of the Milan district, and the constant companion of, and co-operator with Vilmacarti. He took charge of Majocchi's wife, whilst the latter went to Vienna to consult with Lord Stewart about the progress of this measure! At home, Lord Castlereagh has had the management of the whole business, at least, every document had to pass through his hands before it was seen by any one else. He has been

a stimulant and an incentive to the passions of the King, and from the progress of this measure we may safely unriddle the blind attachment and submission which the latter has shewn to his Ministers for the last six years. It has been a real infatuation; and the welfare of the whole British territory has been sacrificed to enable one man to gratify a malignant passion in seeking to persecute and destroy his wife. We really do not believe that without Castlereagh the other Ministers would have found courage to prosecute this measure. He is the grand mover in the Cabinet, and in a manner of speaking, the absolute despot of this country.

The attempt to leave a stigma upon her Majesty's name because these Ministers could not carry their Bill, is an act 'baser than could have been imagined by another set of men. 'It is a horrible act for a judge to be guilty of, because he might feel his disposition thwarted. We doubt whether Scroggs and Jefferies could have been guilty of such conduct. Yet this has been done by the Queen's prosecuting Judges; and what has been called the highest Court of Justice in this country has displayed a base and malignant disposition to slander her whom it could not safely condemn. All this must go to the general account of perjury and calumny which has been brought into action against their Majesty. The writhings and agonies of a Newcastle, a Huntley, a Sheffield, a Home, an Ellenborough, or a Calthorpe, are not of more weight than the perjuries of Majocci, Sacchi, and De Mont. They arise out of the same source and

from the same feeling and influence, save that some little excuse might be made for the poverty of the latter when contrasted with the wealth of the former.

The triumph and rejoicing throughout the country is very. great, and exceeds that of any former occasion. Some of the old corporations feel at a loss how to act, because the King does not partake of the general joy; but the people break through all restraint, and are exhibiting Green Bags, effigies of false witnesses, and every thing which can be considered applicable to the triumph of the Queen. Bells are ringing, bonfires making, squibs and crackers flying, and houses illuminated throughout the west of England. Even in towns, the inhabitants of which pay but little attention to passing events, a laurel is displayed in every hat and bonnet, and Hilarity has taken her seat on every countenance. We sincerely hope that this triumph will be followed up by others equally important and necessary, that the gloom which has been so long the attendant of every British countenance might begin to be fully and finally dispelled.

We cannot fail to deprecate the act of destroying windows in the metropolis; we heartily wish that we could see our countrymen rise above this petty and foolish conduct. The Queen cannot be honoured by compulsory illuminations, and the one half of housekeepers are guided entirely by the acts of their neighbours in this respect. Voluntary and spontaneous attachment is of more importance to the Queen, and we are inclined to think that if the window-breakers knew that the expence of repairing fell on the inhabitauts at large they would hesitate before they did it. For our parts we would suffer our house to be beat down rather than we would illur,inate to gratify any party with whom we did not accord in principle and opinion. We wish, therefore, to grant that toleration to others we could hope for ourselves. The parties now injured have no fair ground of complaint; it is a retaliation to them, for they are the very people who were so fond of stimulating Church and King mobs to such dangerous excesses, and who would pronounce the conduct of those mobs to be the criterion for public feeling. But we feel no disposition to encourage our countrymen to imitate the brutality of our opponents, whilst they were the stronger party. We are sometimes uncharitable enough to think the rogues of glaziers must be very fond of stimulatingda crowd to break windows. The Queen's causes requines nothing of this kind; it tends to serve the cause of her ene mies. Thus the horse-guards have been called forth, and no doubt from some of the emissaries of the Home Depart

ment having been set on to irritate them, many persons have been trampled on and sabred. It is evident that there was no general disposition to insult the military. We should seek to make them our friends.



WE must begin this article with announcing the rejection of the Bill of Pains and Penalties by the House of Lords, evidently from fear and being conscience-stung. We have noticed in our last, that the Bill passed a second reading by a majority of twenty-eight, on Monday the 6th instant. On the following day her Majesty went to the House, and tendered by Lord Dacre the following protest.

Nov. 7, 1820.

"The Queen has learned the decision of the Lords upon the Bill now before them. In the face of Parliament, of her Family, and of her Country, she does solemnly protest against it. Those who avowed themselves her prosecutors have presumed to sit in judgment upon the question between the Queen and themselves. Peers have given their voices against her, who have heard the whole evidence for the charge, and absented themselves during her defence. Others have come to the discussion from the Secret Committee, with minds biassed by a mass of slander, which her enemies have not dared to bring forward in the light.

"The Queen does not avail herself of her right to appear before the Committee; for to her the details of the measure must be a matter of indifference; and, unless the course of these unexampled proceedings should bring the Bill before the other branch of the Legislature, she will make no reference whatever to the treatment experienced by her during the last twenty-five years.

"She now most deliberately, and before God, asserts, that she is wholly innocent of the crime laid to her charge; and she awaits with unabated confidence, the final result of this unparalleled investigation."

This protest is deficient in that noble fire which has characterized the major part of her Majesty's answers to her

addressers. It somewhat resembles the authorship of the Answers to the Nottingham and Preston Addresses. But, however, weak as it is, it stung some of the noble Lords. (We mean to leave off any further abuse or exposure of these gentry. They have now done quite enough for themselves, and any effort we can make will be altogether unnecessary. Let the public look at the" Peep at the Peers," and reflect upon what they have said and done about the Queen, and a proper conviction will be sure to follow.) The noble Lord Lauderdale, with his thirty years character of good conduct from the noble Lord Grey, did not like to be told that he was a Judge who had been predetermined by a mass of slander, and a mass of something else, we know not what. The ministers, with their certificate of good conduct from all the noble lords,did not blush at being told that they had acted as informers, as accusers, as prosecutors, as judges, as jurors, in condemning their Queen, They have long since past blushing as a maiden or as a boyish habit. Mature vice and infamy never blushes, but is ever capable of making the loudest protestations of honour, of innocence, and of chastity. Thus, when Lord King charged Lord Liverpool (the reader should observe that this epithet lord flows from us just as a nickname, and we never use nick names but to those who are fond of them) that he had been guilty of an indecorum with the Princess of Wales when at Blackheath, and when bis lordship was out of office, the latter lord denied it upon his honour, upon that unstained honour which the noble lords, oue and all, had voted him. Lord King also said, that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had at the same time been guilty of the same indecorum by playing at blind man's buff with her Royal Highness.

When the noble lords, went into a Committee on the Bill it was really laughable to hear the preaching of the bishops. Four of them insisted that the Bill of Pains and Penalties was drawn up in the true pirit of the word of God; others said they had some doubts and scruples about that, and each, like the idolators of old, made the word of God answer his own view of the question. We would recommend the King, the ministers, and the bishops, to canonize the Bill of Pains and Penalties as a new Revelation, as novelty is always bewitching; or they may make it a part of the Liturgy of the established church. Faith! this would be an admirable method to answer all purposes; to get the Queen prayed for and to degrade her at the same time. Better, far, than making a law of it. Our priests would lick their lecherous lips over it every Sunday. It would be a luscious mess of

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