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my closets are now full to overflowing; prepared to maintain that among the and I am contemplating a speedy re- existing ecclesiastical historians Strype mittance of some of them to Mr. is the best as a general authority, as Sotheby or Mr. Christie.”

he deals in those minute particulars, It would be worth while to ascertain and refers to those original documents, what the old-booksellers think on this by which alone the working of the Rematter. Are the works in question formation from the reign of Henry really so scarce that a multiplication VIII. to the end of Elizabeth can be of them unimproved is desirable ? developed, and effects traced to their

Which Monasticon may the projectors have in view ? That by Dods- The works of Strype, though they worth, Dugdale, and Stevens, in five may be divided into historical and folio volumes; or that by Caley, Ellis, biographical, partake more of the and Bandinel in eight? I should former than the latter character. For rather hope, if reprinting is all they though some are presented to us as intend, that it might be the former; the lives of the Archbishops and others, for, whilst in some respects less bulky, yet they relate more to the times than there is much in Stevens's portion the men, and in many cases he has reespecially, that is skimmed over very lated the same events in two, and somesummarily in the modern book, a book times more, of his works. which ought to have extended to His compilations consist rather of twenty volumes instead of eight, to the materials of history, than history have been completed on the scale on itself; as, in order to ascertain all the which it was commenced.

circumstances attending any one event, And, moreover, if we can believe such for example as the “ Act of Unisome recent advertisements, the mo- formity," the reader is referred by the dern edition of the Monasticon has index, perhaps to the Annals, the Mebeen reprinted literally reprinted, - morials, and the Life of Grindal. In its errors and its deficiencies unre- each of these he will have to seek, and paired: but is such really the case ? afterwards to combine, the various maI cannot believe it; but rather suspect terials respecting it. it must be a bookseller's pretence, to Hence Strype has been charged with take off the still lingering “remainder" needless repetitions and trivial details ; of the Caley performance.

and it is this peculiarity which makes To return to the Ecclesiastical His- him a rather difficult author to edit, tory Society. Let us hope, at least, since his materials are thus distributed that, if it proceeds, it will present us through his several works, either hiswith improved editions, not mere re- torically or biographically, as best prints, and especially of the Works of suited his immediate purpose. Indeed, Strype, in which, I must admit, I feel he often gives only parts of letters particularly interested, and to which and documents, where the whole is I shall now, with your permission, essential to the elucidation of the facts confine the remainder of my remarks. to which they refer; and in other

It is to be remembered that the cases he contents himself with the bare Works of Strype have been already mention of such evidences, and places reprinted, we cannot say edited, by them in an appendix. the University of Oxford. The only The sources of his information are advantages of that edition over the various; but his chief source for the original one are a more portable form, reign of Elizabeth is the Burghley and a General Index to the whole se- Papers. These are contained in the ries. But the truth is, Mr. Urban, Lansdowne MSS. and their description that Strype really wants a great deal occupies the first volume of the Cataof editorial castigation. He is fre- logue of that collection. All these quently incorrect in his copies of docu- letters and papers were in Strype's ments, occasionally injudicious in his possession, and such as he used have inferences, and sometimes even mis- glosses of the illegible words, and other taken in his statements of facts. With marginal notes, in his own handwriting. your permission I may take a future Besides these there are a great number opportunity of substantiating all these of volumes of Fox's MSS. and many charges; but at the same time I am others in the Harleian MSS. stated in the catalogue to have been bought of, I should conceive that the manuscripts or to have belonged to, Strype. These which I have now enumerated should consist of letters, historical collections, at least be consulted for a new edition speeches, and various state documents, of Strype's Works, in order to render from the Reformation to the end of it a book of reference both for the clergy the reign of Elizabeth ; some originals, and laity of our Established Church. and some copies, which Strype con- Whilst the present spirit of earnest sulted and employed in various ways. investigation into the precedents and All these should be carefully exa- progress of the Church continues to mined, and a catalogue made of them prevail, it is evident that some standard under heads or subjects, errors cor- of historical evidence is required, on rected, and omissions supplied. Many whose authority secure reliance might will be found here entire, which Strype be placed, and to which all parties has given only in abridgment.

would be ready to turn with equal In the Cottonian MSS., particularly confidence, in Cleopatra, will be found several Although time and custom may have curious original documents relative to slightly modified the forms of our Esthe state of the church during the tablished Churcb, yet her truly Proreigns of Henry VIII. Edward VI. testant principles, one would hope, are Elizabeth, and Mary, which require unaltered. Efforts have indeed been to be examined and collated.

made to restore her to her state on the Some curious biographical and local dawn of the Reformation, when she documents, relative to the University was essentially Roman, and many of of Cambridge, and its several colleges, the obsolete ušages of that period have are contained in Baker's MSS. in the been attempted to be performed as Harleian MSS. and also in Cole's Col- part of her service in some localities; lections, Addl. MSS.; and many others, but such attempts have been generally both of Cambridge and Oxford, in the rejected with indignation by the conLansdowne, Birch, and Sloane MSS. gregations, and the ministers who per

Among the Lansdowne MSS. are formed them have received ecclesiasthe voluminous collections of Dr. tical censure. Another party has enWhite Kennet, Bishop of Peterbo- deavoured, with as little success, to strip rough, consisting of ecclesiastical his- the service of its form, and reduce it tory and biography; particularly Vos. to the simplicity of a dissenting con1022, 1023, 1024, in three thick folio ventiele. But still our Ritual remains volumes, containing a History of the uninjured, and the fabric of our Church Church of England in Notes (almost is as sound as at its first erection on daily), from 1500 to 1717, and em- its Protestant basis. bracing a short notice of all the events, These facts have been rendered more acts of parliament, books, letters, and striking in our time than at any former other minute particulars, during that period, not excepting even the time of lengthened period. These form most the Puritans during the reigns of Elizavaluable materials for ecclesiastical beth and James I.; yet few, comparahistory, as the greater part of their tively speaking, can trace the various contents may be verified and com- causes which have contributed to the pleted from the printed books and stability of our Church, or duly apMSS. in the Museum. This interest- preciate the wisdom and caution with ing collection does not appear to have which her original foundations were been known to Strype, or noticed by laid. It is this species of information any subsequent writers.

that is now required, and which can I have enumerated the above as alone establish the true Protestant some of the materials, but by no means faith in the minds of her members, the whole, that are to be found in the equally removed from Popery on the various collections in the British Mu- one band, and Puritanism on the other. seum; to which must be added the On the whole, I think it will be alcollections at Lambeth, the State Paper lowed that something better is required Office, the Rolls Chapel, Sion College, than another reprint of Strype, uncolFulham, and the two Universities. lated and unimproved. But, taking the British Museum alone,

Yours, &c. B. D.


Florentine History, from the earliest “ a question more easily asked than

authentic records to the accession of answered,” we would ask in turn, why Ferdinand III. Grand Duke of Tus- did he raise the spirit he finds it so difcuny. By H. E. Napier, Capt. R.N. ficult to lay? Nay, we differ widely F.R.S. Post 8vo. 6 vols.

from him, for the question may be THE author of the Florentine easily answered, if the inquiry be History, as we learn from the dedi- made in the right quarter. It might cation, is brother to Major-General partly have been answered from his Sir Charles Napier, Governor of own words, at p. 281, when speaking Scinde, to whom the work is inscribed, of Clement IV. “He was summoned and to whose aid he owns himself in- ... to answer .... . at a far higher debted. For ten years of sickness and tribunal than that of mundane hisaffliction, this undertaking, as he tellstory." Still it is out of place here, us, has been his companion, thus ex- however appropriate in such writers ceeding Horace's well-known rule of as Hutcheson, who says at the outset letting nine years elapse before publi- of an ethical work, “ Intrandum igitur cation. Anticipating an objection to in hominum naturam, ut perspiciamus the length of the work, the author quid simus, quidnam victuri

signamur, asks, in the person of one of his et quos Deus non esse jusserit.” (Phil. readers, “ But why write so long a Moralis Inst. Compend. b. 1, c. 1, story about so small a country?" (Vol. p. 2.) i. p. ix. Pref.) And his answer is, be- Capt. Napier goes out of his way to cause the lessons of history, 56 which

abuse the English administration of are the records of experience, and the Ireland, * whence we infer that this beacons of human error, may, as in work has not only been his companion, the Grecian republics, be taught with but also his political common-place equal benefit from the acts of a small book, for several years. We are better as a great community: because Flo- pleased with this general view of his rence performed as conspicuous a part proper subject. in Italy as Athens did in Greece.”

“ No great cause of policy really diThis, however, is rather assuming the vided the factions (of Florence]: they office of a professor of political struggled for no political triumph, but science. He defends himself by the unmitigated power ; yet always under the authority of Bacon: “ As for the cor- standard of some popular grievance, a ruptions and moths of history, which cause noble in itself, but unstable as their are epitomes, the use of them deserveth own sincerity." (p. 5.) to be banished, as all men of sound The author has adopted Italian judgment have confessed.” (Advance views of ecclesiastical history, when ment of Learning, b. 2, p. 79.) Still among the contemporary potentates there is a medium in all things, and the in the second chapter he gives student, who, as Mr. Percival ob- “ Popes from St. Peter to Adrian I.” serves, in his History of Italy, is de- It should have been Linus or Cleterred by the size of Sismondi's work, mens; but perhaps he merely copied in sixteen volumes, may fairly com- another list, without meaning to inplain that a portion only of the subject volve himself in questions of this kind. is here extended over six.

Florence has, properly speaking, no The book begins wordily, and though ancient history, or a very slender one;f the thoughts are often just, and must have occurred to many, yet they are

On ne s'attendait guère not always in place. We do not open De voir l'Irlande dans cette affaire. a work on history, to ask or solve the

(La Fontaine, Fab. x. 3.) question, “For what purpose are we + Capt. Napier has wisely abstained here ?" And when the author calls it from enlarging on the history of ancient GENT. MAG. VOL. XXIX.


nor does it engage our attention till Cardinal Borromeo, for his endeavours the capture of Fiesole in 1010, and the to reform them, caused their supintervention of the Countess Matilda. pression by Pius V. in 1571. (p. 592.) Capt. Napier ascribes her devotion to The second volume ends at 1402. the papacy to the protection she had Boccacio's account of the plague is early experienced, as the Church had introduced, in doing which Captain Nabeen the friend of her house in its ad- pier has partly followed the example of versity; " Florence, imbued with Ma- Machiavelli

, who refers to Boccacio as tilda's politics, became essentially at- describing it“ with so much eloquence." tached to her cause, and followed all The energy of the republic (then her fortunes.” (p. 73.) Here we have exclusively democratic) in 1345, in supthe germ of the Guelphic policy. But pressing appeals to the Pope, is prowe must notice a keen remark con- minently drawn, “nor was so

ennected with these events, on the sub- lightened an audacity ever afterwards ject of nomination.

renewed, until the memorable reign of “ Valuable presents were expected ac.

Peter Leopold of Austria.” (p. 127-8.) cording to the worth of the benefice; but In consequence of the insolence of the the Pope, who participated in these clergy, the Florentines enacted that, elections, without sharing the spoil, if a priest were to outrage a layman, branded such proceedings, perhaps justly, he should be prosecuted and punished with the epithet of simony, notwithstand- as a layman, notwithstanding pontifical ing that the ceremonial part was of long briefs 'to the contrary. The principle standing in Germany."'* (p. 70.)

is an enlightened one, for an aggressor We pass on to the character of

may justly be considered to place Castruccio Castracani, which includes himself on a level with the person he a criticism on Machiavelli:

insults or injures; but matters must ." He was the ablest man of the age, and have been bad indeed to call for a with a longer life would probably have

remedy so violent in the opinion of subjugated Italy. Machiavelli says that

the times. he equalled Philip of Macedon and Scipio,

The third volume ends at 1500, and would have surpassed both had he had the “miscellaneous chapter" for that as wide a field of action : there is so much period being postponed to the beginerror or imagination mixed up with the ning of volume iv. The author retruth in this great man's romance of Cas

marks, at p. 473, that, though Roscoe truccio, that it cannot be easily quoted, mentions the anecdote of Savonarola's except for extreme beauty of style ; but such an opinion, from the Florentine

being present at Lorenzo de' Medici's Secretary, would have been sufficient to

death as only worthy of notice for immortalise the Lucchese hero, if every

the sake of confutation, he does not record of his own actions had been ob

confute it. Captain Napier on the literated.” (p. 448.)

contrary admits it. In his character The character of Dante, at p. 464-6, him according to the age, the defects

of Lorenzo, at p. 473-9, he estimates is a transcript from Villani, written with less than his usual brevity.

of which he allows him to have had : The first volume brings down the

“ Taking such things into the account, history to 1336, and ends with a

it is probable that Lorenzo was neither “ miscellaneous chapter" on manners,

the sanguinary usurper of Sismondi, nor trades, laws, the arts, and the military of princes that Roscoe would wish us to

the perfection of human nature and model power

of Florence. There is a concise and clear account of the mercan

believe.” (p. 474.) tile religious Order called the Padri

The following circumstance, respecte Umiliati, whose attempt to assassinate ing the close of Savonarola's career,

is very remarkable. When Fra Do.

menico da Pescia, his disciple, was to Etruria, which is gradually developing, brave the flames, to decide the conthrough antiquarian researches, but at present is in a theoretical state.

troversy with the Franciscans, “he * Simony, being a substantive, cannot wished to enter with the sacrament in be an epithet, according to Johnson, who his hand, but this was also denied hiin, defines that word," an adjective denoting because, as they declared, it would any quality, good or bad.” It should be infallibly be consumed, and produce simoniacal.-REY,

scandal in the minds of weak and

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ignorant people.” (P.609, from Fran. character will ever remain a problem Cei, Mem. Stor. p. 111. MS.)

in literature. From vol. iv. we select a favourable This volume goes down to 1532. specimen of the author's criticism, on The fifth brings the subject on to the grant of emoluments arising from 1737. Of the second dynasty of the the sale of indulgences in Germany, Medici, Capt. Napier says that, " By by Leo X. to his sister Maddalena the exhaltation of Alessandro de' MeCibo, Histoire du Concile de Trent, dici to the dukedom, Florence became livre 1, pp. 15-16, for which he refers an established hereditary principality, to Sarpi and Guicciardini :

and must henceforth be spoken of “ Robertson (vol. ii. book ii. p. 114)

rather in the name of her absolute denies this grant, principally because it is sovereigns, than as a self-acting compot to be found in the pontifical archives munity.” (p. 1.) In a note he obby the search of an individual.


serves that, as Tuscany now loses all dependent of the likelihood of such a interest as an independent state, the grant having been destroyed by Leo or

“ miscellaneous chapter is disconClement, after its mischievous effects were tinued, and its contents are intermade public, or remaining in the archives woven with the narrative. of the Cibo family, the facility of missing While glancing at European history such a document amidst the enormous he speaks eloquently of our "royal masses of the Vatican is apparent. But Guicciardini is too accurate, and was too

But pedant." well acquainted with even the secrets of

"The undecided conduct of James I. the Medici, to be doubted on a subject kept Europe in suspense ; the glory of then so notorious, and F. Paulo is too Elizabeth oppressed him; her helmet and heavy a weight to shove aside so lightly, corselet were too ponderous for a mere nor is it likely to have been invented." pedant to sustain, and the national spirit (p. 223, note.)

was for a while repressed, until, gathering

new force, it burst on his son's head, and The miscellaneous chapter of century destroyed the monarchy.” (p. 386.) XV. with which this volume begins, includes a character of Machiavelli,

At p. 410, on the occasion of the though slightly antedated. It is too negotiation of a marriage between long to quote entire, but Captain daughter of Cosimo II. the queen, his

Prince Henry, son of James I. and a Napier

considers that much undeserved mother, is said to have told Lotti, the odium has clung to Machiavelli, partly Florentine resident at London, that from personal enmity during his life- slight ties held Prince Henry to the time.

Church of England. But his attach“Machiavelli was in principle a thorough ment is thought to have been to Republican, though not unwilling, from Puritanism, and precarious indeed positive distress, to accept office from the would have been the foundation to Medici. His discourse on Florentine re- build a hope of Rome's recovering form, written by command of Leo X.

her authority upon. shows his real feelings, all tending, even in so delicate a position, to the re-es

mising spirit, however, of the reigns tablishment of liberty ; and the whole

of James and Charles was not only tenor of his life proves it, not even ex

a source of political weakness to Engcepting bis · Prince,

' in which considering land, but appears simultaneously, if the sovereign's interest as the especial not causally, with an increase of the object,) pains are taken throughout to amount of crime, which diminished identify it with the love of the people.” quickly again under the Common(p. 59.)

wealth* We say if not causully, beWe doubt whether any uniform

cause such a spirit tended to paralyse

the moral effects of the Reformation, theory concerning the Prince can be constructed, for it involves too many rity just referred to, were very great:

which, according to the eminent authocontradictions. tion of a mind, apparently at least,

Dismissing, however, this subject,

in which England unhappily appears either entirely patriotic or entirely unprincipled ; it has some views that are right, and some that are sadly dis- * See Mr. Wright's volume on “ Saint torted; and in all probability its real Patrick's Purgatory,” preface, p. vi.

The compro

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