sentiments expressed in the Magazine no later than February last. In the article entitled "The Dangers of the Country," the following question was put, "Now, assuming — as experience warrants us in doing this state of matters to be permanent, and the growth of wheat in the British islands to be progressively superseded by importations from abroad, how is the national independence to be maintained when a fourth of our people have come to depend on foreign supplies for their daily food?" The Premier has not, indeed, favoured us with a direct answer, but the subject seems latterly to have occasioned no slight amount of uneasiness in his mind. In the debate of 10th March, on the Navy Estimates, he is reported to have said, with reference to the possibility of a hostile attempt upon our shores, or the fitting out of an adverse armament,"Now, let the Hon. Member for the West Riding observe, that, injurious as those operations might be, hurtful to our trade, our wealth, and our resources in former times, the late change we have made with respect to the Corn Law, made such operations far more injurious than they otherwise would be. For the last two or three years, we had had eight millions or nine millions quarters of grain imported. Let any one think what a loss it would be to this country, being in the practice of having part of our food to that amount come from foreign countries, if, in the event of a war, we had no sufficient naval force." So, then, his lordship does begin to see, at last, that he and his confederates have placed the national independence in jeopardy! He acknowledges now, that, in the event of any war arising, which might interfere with the supplies of foreign food which we have so gratuitously solicited, the consequences must be most calamitous to the country! And what is this but a broad and plain confession that the system of Free Trade, and the independence of Great Britain, are two things which cannot possibly co-exist, or be reconciled? What is it but an admission of the grand leading principle of true political economy, that no nation can hope to preserve its independence, if it neglects or foregoes the primary 511 duty of providing within itself the necessary supplies for its population? next general election depend in a We repeat, that on the issue of the the country. great measure the future destinies of have little fear of the result, provided For our own part we exigency and importance of the crisis. that all men are fully alive to the The views of Lord Stanley, and the adopt, in the event of his being sumline of conduct which he proposes to moned to undertake the direction of public affairs, are already before the country; and every one has the opportunity of forming his own opinion efficacy. They appear to us admirably with regard to their merit and their suited to meet the temper of the times. We have suffered too much from rash change in the other direction; and legislation to wish for a precipitate we are satisfied that, by adopting a greater and more general satisfaction moderate but decided course, far would be given than by rushing hastily into extremes. Here perhaps it may the speech of Lord Stanley on the 5th be proper to insert an extract from of March, in answer to the address Association, which, though imperfectly from the deputation of the National reported, will serve to explain the nature of his contemplated policy. "In the course of his address, the had been made with regard to his having noble lord noticed some remarks which been represented to say that he was import duties, with a view to revenue, favourable to the adoption of moderate but not to price. If he had ever said this, he should have been uttering a paradox. He was quite aware that every duty that was imposed raised the price of the article taxed, but he was also well aware that no duty which might be imposed would duty. What he had stated was, that no raise the price to the full amount of that duty which could be imposed would raise the existing price of agricultural produce to the point which those who repealed the corn laws declared would be remunerative. He contemplated the imposition of a moderate duty on the import of foreign corn and provisions, partly for the purpose of giving a slight-certainly a slightbut nevertheless a certain amount of protection to the British agriculturist, and also, by furnishing a certain amount of those taxes which pressed most heavily revenue, enabling Parliament to take off upon him. It was with a double object, therefore, that he was in favour of a moderate rate of duty: first, as a slight protection on the one hand; and next, as a slight relief from the burden of taxation on the other. One expression of his, the noble lord subsequently remarked, which had been very much commented on, was, that he had stated that he was not prepared to reverse the policy of Sir R. Peel. He well knew that great and sudden changes were the most fraught with danger, and that nothing could be done effectually or safely in a country like England which was not calmly and deliberately done, upon full consideration, and even after experience. Two most formidable measures had of late years been enacted. One had already effected great evil; but, he feared, not to the full extent that would yet be developed. The other was the repeal of the navigation laws, which was, perhaps, even more important, for obvious reasons. What he had stated was, that he did not propose a reversal of Sir R. Peel's policy, but a modification of that policy in those cases in which it should have been found to work injuriously. The evil effects of that policy, he then went on to observe, had been proved with regard to the interest which was mainly suffering-the agricultural interest; and he thought that it was now time and necessary to deal promptly and generously with that interest. The noble lord further expressed his opinion that the principle of protection by moderate import duties, against competition upon unequal terms with the foreigner, was equally applicable to our colonial interests." The days of the present Ministry are evidently numbered. During their tenure of office they have failed to earn the love or approbation of the people; and few will lament their fall. Let us hope that with them may close a period of unnational and unnatural policy, which assuredly hereafter will reflect no honour on the names of those who were its principal instruments and advocates; and that no future statesman, of any rank or eminence, will so far mistake his duty to his sovereign and to his country as to entertain the idea that party ascendency is for one moment to be weighed in the scale against the real interests of the nation, which can alone be secured by protecting the labour of the people, and by guarding from foreign encroachment the rights of NATIVE Industry. Printed by William Blackwood and Sons, Edinburgh. MY NOVEL; OR, VARIETIES IN ENGLISH LIFE. PART IX., 531 WILLIAM BLACKWOOD & SONS, 45 GEORGE STREET; To whom all communications (post paid) must be addressed. SOLD BY ALL THE BOOKSELLERS IN THE UNITED KINGDOM. PRINTED BY WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS, EDINBURGH. It is probable that there has been written much excellent poetry on the other side of the Atlantic with which we are unacquainted, which perhaps has never crossed the water at all. We should therefore be very unwise if we professed to give here, even if such a plan could be executed within the compass of a few pages, a general review of American poetry. All that we propose is, to make some critical observations on the writers before us, accompanied by such extracts as shall not unworthily occupy the attention of our readers. Even the list of names which we have set down at the head of this paper is the result more of accident than design: the works of these authors lay upon our table. The two first names will be recognised directly as the fittest representatives of American poetry; they rise immediately to the lips of every one who speaks upon the subject. The two last will probably be new to our readers, and if so, it will be our pleasant task to introduce them. One name only, familiar to all ears, has been purposely omitted. We have elsewhere spoken, and with no stinted measure of praise, of the writings of Mr Emerson. That writer has found in prose so much LONGFELLOW's Poetical Works. BRYANT'S Poetical Works. WHITTIER'S Poetical Works. VOL. LXIX.-NO. CCCCXXVII. better a vehicle of thought than verse has proved to him, (and that even when the thought is of a poetic cast,) that to summon him to receive judgment here amongst the poets, would be only to detract from the commendation we have bestowed upon him. We say it is not improbable that there is much poetry published in America which does not reach us, because there is much, and of a very meritorious character, published here at home in England, which fails of obtaining any notoriety. Its circulation is more of a private than a public nature, depending perhaps upon the social position of the author, or following, for a short distance, in the wake of a literary reputation obtained by a different species of writing. Not that our critics are reluctant to praise. On the contrary, they might be accused of rendering their praise of no avail by an indiscriminate liberality, if it were not the true history of the matter that a growing indifference of the public to this species of literature led the way to this very diffuse and indiscriminate commendation. If no one reads the book to test his criticism, the critic himself loses his motive for watchfulness and accuracy: he passes judgment with Poems. By JAMES RUSSELL Lowell. Poems. By O. W. HOLMES. 2 L |