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TO CHICAGO VIA TENNESSEE,
Y this time I felt the need of rest, and Sunday, October 4th, was spent in an endeavor to obtain it. In the evening the Memphis committee took our party in charge and landed us in that city in time for breakfast. The meeting here was held outdoors, and was largely attended. I took advantage of the occasion to say a word in behalf of Hon. E. W. Carmack, the Democratic candidate for Congress in that district, who, both when editor of the Commercial Appeal, and afterwards upon the stump, has done splendid work in behalf of bimetallism. Senator Isham G. Harris, to whose labors as a member of the Democratic National Silver Committee I have already referred, presided at the meeting, and there were upon the platform many who had taken an active part in the movement which resulted in the capture of the Chicago convention.
From Memphis we proceeded to Nashville, by way of McKenzie, stopping for a short time at the principal towns along the way.
The reception at Nashville was a very cordial one. Three outdoor meetings had been provided for, the first-a very large one-in the market square. This meeting is remembered especially because of the excellent rendition of "Home, Sweet Home" by a male glee club.
The third meeting of the evening was held under the auspices of the Populist committee, and was presided over by Prof. A. L. Mimms, the Populist candidate for Governor. The speech here was brief, and I referred to the fact that they had two electoral tickets and explained that, where such was the case, I was running against myself. The Populists afterward withdrew their electoral ticket and supported ours. The evening ended with a banquet at the Nicholson House, where a number of the leading bimetallists of the city were assembled. Sixteen. young ladies from Belmont College waited on the table, and each presented a flower to the guest of the evening. Among the mementos of the occasion I carried away a hickory stick, taken from the Hermitage. Here I met Hon. J. W. Gaines, candidate for Congress, Col. Colyer, a veteran bimetallist, ex-Congressman Enloe, a former colleague, and many others with whom I became acquainted when, just after
the adjournment of the Fifty-Third Congress, I delivered a lecture in that city. Here, too, I parted with my faithful McMillan, who had almost exhausted himself in his efforts to save me from exhaustion. Hon. John W. Tomlinson, of Birmingham, Alabama, one of the Democratic National Silver Committee, and a delegate to the Chicago convention, joined me at this point, and accompanied me for more than two weeks.
Our party left Nashville about midnight, and entered Indiana at Jeffersonville, early in the morning. Here Governor Matthews, Chairman Martin, of the State committee, National Committeeman Shanklin, and a number of others met us, and continued with us during the two days' trip through Indiana. Stops were made at all the important towns, among them New Albany, Scottsburg, Seymour, Columbus, and Franklin. Four meetings were held in Indianapolis, Governor Claude Matthews presiding at the principal ones. The first and largest gathering was in the Capitol grounds. Below will be found a portion of the speech delivered here:
Indianapolis Speech-At the Capitol.
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: It gives me great pleasure to visit Indianapolis. I recall that Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks, a citizen of this city and State, and at that time a candidate for the Vice-Presidency, was the first great Democratic leader whom I ever saw, and such was my admiration for his life and character that my first political pilgrimage was made to this city to attend his funeral. Therefore I think of him on my return to this city, and I think of the principles for which he so ably contended. I am here today to advocate the principles which are democratic in the broadest sense of that term; when the fundamental principles of democracy are understood they are loved and respected by all, irrespective of name, who believe in a government of the people, by the people, and for the people.
This city enjoys the unique distinction of being the birthplace and the deathbed of a so-called party. I know that when I speak of this so-called party I am disobeying the Bible injunction-let the dead bury their dead. I speak of this so-called party as I would not speak of any bona fide organization of men because it occupies a peculiar place in history. It calls itself a national party when it does not expect to carry a single county in the entire nation. It calls itself a Democratic party when it was organized for the express purpose of electing a Republican candidate for the Presidency. If it were big enough to justify the name, I would call it a stupendous fraud, but it is too small-I will call it a transparent fraud. It is the first political convention ever held in this country where the delegates nominated a ticket which they did not expect to vote for; and the first time when men ever received a nomination and did not want to be voted for.
The minority in the Chicago convention opposed free coinage on the ground that it would interfere with international bimetallism, toward which
they said the efforts of this government should be steadily directed, and when they failed to secure the adoption of that plank at Chicago they assembled in convention here and forgot to mention international bimetallism. There could be no clearer evidence of intended deception than is found in the fact that the minority at Chicago, when they at last reached a convention where they had things all their own way, repudiated the plank which they stood on there, and came out in favor of the gold standard instead of international bimetallism. My friends, I am willing to meet an open enemy in an open field, and concede to that enemy all the rights and privileges of honorable warfare, but when our opponents call themselves the advocates of sound money while they endeavor to fasten upon us an unsound financial system-when they call themselves the advocates of honest money and then deal dishonestly with the American people, they do not deserve to be treated like honorable enemies. I have no criticism to make of any man who, believing that the election of the Chicago ticket would injure this country, votes the Republican ticket, but, my friends, when I find a man who wants to elect the Republican ticket but has not the courage to bear the odium of advocating it, I have not so much respect for him. (A voice: "Bynum, Bynum.")
That reminds me what that distinguished citizen once said. (A voice: "Extinguished citizen.") A gentleman suggests that he is an extinguished citizen, but I will say distinguished citizen because he has a past whether he has any future or not. If you want to know what he said about the gold standard, listen while I read from his speech in Congress on silver in 1886:
Again, the advocates of gold approach us with open hands and smiling countenances but I fear with a dagger concealed beneath their cloaks.
Ah, my friends, he knew the nature of the animal before he began to associate with it. He is right in his description. The gold standard never fought an open fight. It carries the knife of the assassin and does its work behind the mask of the burglar. It is not an open enemy, never was and never will be.
I will also quote to you what Mr. Bynum quoted in that speech from Senator Ingalls. Now note the language quoted from Senator Ingalls:
No enduring fabric of national prosperity can be builded on gold. Gold is the money of monarchs; kings covet it, the exchanges are affected by it; its tendency is to accumulate in vast masses in the commercial centers and to move from kingdom to kingdom in such volumes as to unsettle values and disturb the finances of the world; it is the instrument of gamblers and speculators, and the idol of the miser and thief; being the object of so much adoration it becomes haughty and sensitive, and shrinks at the approach of danger, and whenever it is most needed it always disappears; at the slightest alarm it begins to look for refuge; it flies from the nation at war to the nation at peace; war makes it a fugitive; no people in a great emergency ever found a faithful ally in gold; it is the most cowardly and treacherous of all metals; it makes no treaty that it does not break, it has no friend whom it does not sooner or later betray. Armies and navies are not maintained by gold; in times of panic and calamity, shipwreck and disaster, it becomes the chief agent and minister of ruin, no nation ever fought a great war by the aid of gold; on the contrary, in the crises of greatest peril it becomes an enemy more potent than the foe in the field, but when the battle is won and peace has been secured, gold reappears and claims the fruits of victory.
My friends, these are the words of the distinguished Senator. Mr. Bynum once quoted them and the words are true. Gold is arrogant and tyrannical in time
of peace, and it deserts any nation in time of war, and never is a friend when a friend is needed.
Many reasons might be given to show why the policy which we advocate is democratic. In the first place, our policy has the endorsement of the Democratic National Convention, and that is sufficient to determine what democracy is today. There must be majority rule or minority rule, and democracy has always meant the rule of the majority, and a majority of the Democrats of the nation, acting with more freedom and directness than in any convention before, have declared that the free and unlimited coinage of silver at 16 to 1 without waiting for any other nation is democratic.
But there is another thing that convinces us that our position is democratic. Every undemocratic influence in the country is arrayed against us. Every man who has profited by special legislation, every trust that seeks to impose upon the people, every syndicate that fattens upon public adversity, and every corporation that thinks that it is greater than the Government which created it— all these are opposed to us, and give us assurance that we are doing good work for the people.
Again, if you will look at those who have opposed democracy in the past, you will learn that our position is correct. Let me read you what Thomas Jefferson said in 1800 of the combination which was then opposing democracy. In writing to a friend who had gone abroad, he said:
The aspect of our politics has wonderfully changed since you left. In place of the noble love of liberty and republican government which carried us triumphantly through the war, an Anglican party has sprung up whose avowed purpose it is to draw us over to the substance as they have already done to the form of British government. While the main body of our citizens remain true to republican institutions, against us are the executive, the federal judiciary, two out of three branches of the legislature, all the officers of the Government, all timid men who prefer the calm of despotism to the boisterous sea of liberty, all British merchants and Americans trading on British capital, all speculators and bond brokers, and with them the banks and dealers in public funds and United States bonds-contrivances invented for the purpose of corruption, and for assimilating to the rotten as well as to the sound parts of the British model. It would give you a fever if I were to name to you the apostates who have gone over to these heresies-men who were once Solomons in council and Samsons in the field. In short, we are likely to preserve the liberty we have obtained only by unremitting perils, but we shall preserve it.
My friends, these are the words in which Jefferson described the opposition to the Democratic party in 1800-just ninety-six years ago. It is the same opposition that we have to meet now. Show me a man who goes to Europe oftener than he crosses the Mississippi river, and I will show you a man who thinks that this country cannot do anything unless England helps to do it. Show me a man who thinks that this nation cannot be survived unless it trades on British capital; show me a man who thinks that our financial system ought to have for its object the borrowing of money from abroad, and I will show you a man who would make the people of this country bow their necks to foreign oppression and accept whatever financial policy our creditors desire to force upon us.
It seems that there were apostates in those days also, and it seems that they were Solomons in council and Samsons in the field. Why, you would suppose that Jefferson was describing the present condition, because every man who leaves the Democratic party this year is willing to make affidavit