so easy always to awaken, of the "have nots" against the "haves." The man who has, and who makes a bad use or makes no use of what he has, is one of the prime menaces to our social system to-day.

I believe in happiness, I believe in pleasure, I believe in having just as good a time in life as you can have, and I do not believe you will have any good time at all in life unless the good time comes as an incident of the doing of duty-doing some work worth doing. The men I have known whom I respect and admire are, without exception, men who have achieved something worth achieving, by effort, by the acceptance, perhaps, of risk and hardship, by hard work and even by dreary work, who have had their eyes fixed on a goal worth striving for and have striven steadily toward it; and those are the men who have had real happiness in life. I know a considerable number of people, men whom I knew in my youth, whom I know slightly now, who have with more or less intelligent industry devoted themselves to having a good time. They strike me as having had an uncommonly poor time; and the very few of them who have enjoyment have it only because gradually their brains have atrophied so as to enable them to take pleasure out of the infinitely vapid.

In any institution such as this, all of you know that the boy is not really happy if he does not have some school feeling, that you cannot have a school a success at all unless the average boy in it thinks not only of his own individual success, but thinks of the school success. He may think of it in a great He is pretty sure to think of

many ways.

it in connection with the "eleven" and the "nine," and to develop a very fervid patriotism toward the close of either the baseball or the football season. As he gets more of a sense of responsibility in the upper forms, he grows to think of the standing of the school in all respects, and part of his own pleasure and of his own pride comes not only in his own achievements, but in the sum of the achievements of himself and his fellows in the school. If you do not get that feeling in the school, the school goes down. It is the same thing in the country on a large scale. If, when you get out into actual life, you do not grow to feel, and to feel continually more and more, that in addition to your own success you wish to see community success, you wish to see National success, if you are not influenced by these emotions taken in the aggregate, you lose a large part of your power for usefulness, you lose a large part of your power of achieving not merely success, but happiness.

In short, to-day, under the auspices of the Civic Club, I preach to you the doctrine of realizable idealism. I preach to you the doctrine that in after life, whether you go into politics as a career, or whether, as every good citizen should, you go into politics as a decent citizen, whether you are making a career of it or not, or into business or literature or art or any of the professions, that wherever you work you must set before yourselves high ideals, and you must set them before you in realizable fashion. You will amount to nothing unless you have the ideals, and you will amount to nothing unless in good faith you strive to realize them.

A

MERICANS, as a whole, know very little about foreign affairs and care less the struggles of peoples for a larger share of political power interests them because their own career as a nation began with such a struggle, and because they are sympathetic with the democratic movement everywhere. Since the Philippines fell into their hands they have learned where Manila is; and they have come to have a realizing sense, to recall an old theological phrase, that there is a Far East. War shares one advantage with travel; it teaches geography. The gallant fight of little Japan with big Russia carried American sympathy with it; the precision and skill with which that war was conducted by the Japanese received quick appreciation from this country; while the splendid patriotism of the Japanese and their dauntless courage evoked unstinted admiration. The revolution in China was so unexpected on this side of the Pacific and so dramatic that it instantly arrested attention, and the recognition of the Chinese Republic undoubtedly had behind it the hearty good will of the American people. That striking event, like the rise of Japan, and, for that matter, like every other event of great significance, was sudden only to those who did not know the influences that brought it about; influences that had long been at work in the venerable country which has rendered so many services to civilization. When the Dragon Throne fell, with so little disorder and bloodshed that it seemed to have collapsed of its own weight, Americans did not recognize the very considerable part they had played in making ready for the drama which is much the most impressive now being presented on the stage of the world.

Nor did the majority of Americans understand the part played by American influence in the revolution in Turkey, and, consequently, in the series of events set in motion when the Young Turks dethroned the Sultan. Many of them had heard of Robert College, but they had only a very vague idea of the effect of American educational agencies of various kinds in awakening civic spirit in Turkey and liberating an energy so long suppressed that it seemed to have been destroyed.

In the Near as in the Far East Americans have incurred responsibilities from which their ignorance will not relieve them. It was their hand which opened the closed doors of Japan and forced upon that country changes more radical than any other country has ever passed through in less than sixty years. Those changes, as Count Okuma recently pointed out in the pages of The Outlook, have left no side of life in Japan untouched. The situation may be summed up in a sentence: The entire development of modern Japan has been imposed on her from without. She has been involved in a chain of events from which she could not have escaped if she had tried, and she has faced them with a courage, an intelligence, and a power of devotion to the nation which must fill all fairminded men who know her history with confidence in her ability to overcome the difficulties which still confront her, and to work out her destiny along the lines long ago defined by her history, temperament, and genius.

The sooner the world recognizes the fact that there is a New East, the greater will be the chances of race progress in the twentieth century; the sooner Americans recognize the share they have had in creating the conditions and problems of the New East, the

sooner will they face the responsibilities they have assumed and the more intelligently will they choose the part they are to play in the world in the new age of international relationship which has begun. Are they to discard their traditions, violate their principles, and abdicate the chance of leadership in the affairs of humanity, or are they to fulfill the prophecies of a large-minded, far-seeing statesmanship which their relations with Japan and China have so far uniformly made? California has unexpectedly raised an issue of the first importance, and those who imagine that the crisis has passed and that the clouds between the two countries will dissolve in thin air do not know the persistence of the people with whom they are dealing. A Russian military writer has said of the Japanese that they seem to have mastered all kinds of tactics except those of retreat. They feel that they have been seriously affronted and unfairly treated, and any attempt to ignore their protests and trust to time to heal the breach in the long-established friendly relations between the countries will disastrously fail. It has been well said that this question is two per cent a State matter and ninety-eight per cent a National matter. The members of the California Legislature who voted for the anti-Japanese land bill acted as if they were dealing with a few thousand immigrants; they seemed to be ignorant of the fact that they were dealing with a sensitive and powerful nation. Ignoring that nation and omitting the courtesies with which civilized countries approach questions of such difficulty and delicacy, they struck at the Japanese immigrants and went home, leaving the United States to deal with the Japanese Government.

The American people are very much engrossed for the moment with home affairs of pressing importance; Japan is nine thousand miles from Washington; most Americans are very ignorant of the character, ability, and spirit of the Japanese people; and the news sent from one country to the other seems to be edited for the purpose of irritating the two peoples. Under these conditions it is not surprising that Americans have not yet awakened to the fact that they are face to eface with an international question of farreaching importance: the question of the future policy of this country in the New East.

If it shall appear that the short-sighted and rough-handed way of dealing with a friendly nation brings home to the United

States its responsibilities to, and the political and commercial possibilities of, the rising East, good will come out of evil; for a sharp crisis is less dangerous than drifting without foresight into grave complexities, and missing through ignorance those opportunities of contributing to the welfare of the race which constitute the greatest good fortune of a nation. Many things could be said about the anti-Japanese legislation in California, but only two things need to be said for the purpose of getting the situation clearly before the country. There was no immediate occasion for such legislation; neither in population nor in holdings of land was there a menacing situation. There was not the slightest danger of a "wave of Asiatic immigration;" it was impossible under existing arrangements between the two Governments.

A writer in The Outlook, whose statement of the case from the anti-Japanese standpoint was in effect a recognition that one of the most serious objections to the Japanese is their ability, declared that California cared nothing for the land bills, and that they could have been killed as anti-Japanese measures were killed two years ago if the "Tokyo jingoes" had not blown the "war trumpet;" and that the abrupt change in California's attitude was but the reflection of "Japan's mailed fist;" and a writer in "The World's Work" says, "At this very moment, while this is being written, twenty thousand people are surging through the streets of Tokyo clamoring for war with America." It is a curious fact that Americans in Tokyo, at the time these stirring words were written, saw no mobs and heard no clamor. As a matter of fact, the mobs and the clamor were imaginary. There are yellow politicians in Japan as there are in this country, and there were meetings at which speeches were made denouncing the Japanese Government for not taking a firmer attitude on the question; for it is an old device of the opposition to attack the government for not adopting a " vigorous policy" when an international difference arises. There was no outbreak of popular feeling against the United States. There has been a very warm feeling of friendship for the United States among the Japanese; a feeling of confidence and friendship which has been and may continue to be, if wise counsels prevail, a very valuable asset in the Far East; and the feeling in Japan was rather one of astonishment and pain than of anger. The managing editor of the "World,"

writing on this subject in the "North American Review," says:

It may be said plainly that if there is ever trouble between the United States and Japan, it will begin here. There is something painful about the childlike faith and grateful good will manifested toward the American visitor by the people of Japan, in perpetual acknowledgment of their debt to the United States. This is no shallow sentiment, but a deep feeling bred of the belief that but for Commodore Perry and Townsend Harris, that country would have dwelt in medieval helplessness until too late.

The Japanese felt, and they had ample justification for the feeling, that the proposed legislation was unfair in its attack on values acquired by Japanese workers in California, and they resented the discrimination against them as Japanese; precisely as we should have done if Germany, for instance, had proposed such legislation dealing with American holdings.

Nor was there any "Japanese mailed fist;" on the contrary, the Japanese Government has treated the situation with notable reserve and studied courtesy from the beginning. It has done everything in its power to avoid giving occasion for anti-Japanese agitation in this country.

It has also been urged as a justification for driving the anti-Japanese bill through the Legislature at Sacramento that "the press of the country raked the Sacramento statesmen fore and aft with grape-shot," whereupon California shook off its lethargy and demanded the passage of the bill. The press of the country did precisely what it ought to do when a State attempts to deal with a question "ninety-eight per cent" of which is National. Having passed the bill, the Sacramento statesmen went to their homes and left the National Government to deal with an international situation which it had not created. A question that is "ninetyeight per cent" National ought to be dealt with by the Nation; this matter was pre-eminently matter for arrangement by diplomacy, not for rough and ready action by a State Legislature influenced by local politics.

If this legislation were a thing of the past, unfortunate in manner and form but an accomplished fact, it would be a waste of time to recall the peculiar circumstances which surrounded it; but it is not an end, it is a beginning. It ought, therefore, to be clearly understood that there was no occasion for it in present conditions; that there is no Asiatic invasion" of any part of America,

66

nor is there any possibility of such an invasion; that there were no surging mobs in the streets of Tokyo clamoring for war;" that there was no "mailed fist" raised by the Japanese Government, but that, on the contrary, that Government has made every effort to keep the country quiet and has succeeded, and has treated the questions at issue with restraint and calmness; that in protesting against the legislation the country at large was not interfering with local affairs in a State, but urging a State not to interfere with National affairs. Precisely what was foreseen by clear-minded people has happened: an international problem of the first importance has been presented, and must be settled on principles of justice and fair play and with the same consideration for the feelings of other nations which we demand for ourselves from other nations.

Japan has a civilization different from ours: in some respects inferior, in other respects distinctly superior, to ours. Japan is much more thoroughly organized than the United States; indeed, no Western country except Germany can be compared with Japan in military efficiency and in general educational training Japan must be treated on a basis of equality.

This does not mean the unimpeded flowing together of great populations, with different standards of life and living under radically different economic conditions; it does mean that the United States shall demand nothing of the Far East which it is not ready to give to the Far East, that restriction of immigration and all kindred questions shall be settled by friendly diplomacy between the Governments, and that the Far East shall be treated as a co-partner in the affairs of humanity. In a sentence: The equality which is often professed in word and often denied in act must be made the basal principle in all international relations. Race differences must be clearly and frankly recognized; economic differences must be candidly faced; but race hatred must be driven beyond the pale of civilization; it is a survival of barbarism and it must go back where it belongs.

The Japanese have never been servile; that is the secret of the dislike for them felt by Western peoples, accustomed to treat the Oriental as if he were outside the protection of law. "You cannot knock a Japanese down in Japan without danger of going to jail," summed up, for one European,

the chief offense of a nation which holds itself quite on a par with other nations in those things which are essential to civilization. If some Japanese have an exalted idea of their national achievements, they are sharing the feeling which Americans, Germans, Englishmen, and others entertain with regard to their respective countries. The sense of superiority has reached a high state of development in most countries. Much has been said about non-assimilability; and it has been declared many times that the issue of superiority or inferiority is not raised; but the fact remains that in dealing with Japanese subjects Japan was ignored.

There is a New East rapidly rising in political and commercial power; we have had a great share in opening the way for it, in giving its development impetus and direction. We have invaded it with our ideas, methods, capital. Our merchants are in all its ports, our lawyers, surgeons, physicians, dentists, are in its leading cities; we have welcomed its students in our colleges and sent our teachers by the score to its schools, colleges, universities; our missionaries are everywhere preaching the religions we profess, and teaching the ethics we call ours. We have forced open the gates of the Far East, and every year we are multiplying the means of relationship with it. Mr. Marconi has spoken across the Atlantic and will soon speak across the Pacific. The ends of the earth have become stations on the unbroken circle of communication which runs around the globe;

A

and we are only at the beginning of international intercourse. A German writer has recently said that in his opinion the finest elements for future citizenship are in China. Japan is well on her way towards the command of her resources; and now that science is intensifying the efficiency of men in dealing with soil and with industry, who will venture to fix the limits of her growth? In the Far East, too, lie the great fortunes of the futurethe prosperity which ought to enrich the Pacific coast and will enrich it unless it closes its imagination to a wealth of opportunity which twenty-five years will turn into tangible riches. In the light of these facts, what shall be American policy in the Far East? So far it has been friendly; if not masterly, it has not followed slavishly the lines of European policy, which has been determined largely by commercial interests. But it ought to do more;

it ought actively to aid a development for which it is largely responsible; it ought to unite to the sound sense that will deal practically with questions of present intercourse the imagination that will foresee and lead the way in the new age which has begun. "The Mediterranean era declined with the Roman Empire and died with the discovery of America," writes Mr. Roosevelt. Atlantic era is now at the height of its development, and must soon exhaust the resources at its command. The Pacific era, destined to be the greatest of all and to bring the whole human race at last into one comity of nations, is just at the dawn."

LL agitation over the anti-alien legislation in California has quieted down, and Japan is now passing through a period of suspense contemplating whether or not America as a whole will indorse the California attitude and approve of discrimination against the Japanese in favor of Europeans. The negotiations going on at Washington are being watched by the Japanese public with a careful eye; but, on the whole, it can hardly be said that the leaders of public opinion in Japan have any very great hope in diplomacy as a means of settling the difficulty. There is a growing disposition to feel that in a matter of hospitality, such as this is, diplomacy can effect little without the favor of public

"The

opinion; and consequently a number of leading Japanese, like Baron Shibusawa and others, have banded together and sent representatives to America to investigate the real grounds of grievance against the Japanese in California, and to help smooth the way toward winning public opinion in the United States. The Japanese at home are not angry, but they are somewhat surprised at the apparent helplessness of the Washington Government to interfere with the process of anti-Japanese legislation in a State of the Union, and they are extremely solicitous of maintaining friendship with America unimpaired. The difficulty is not so much the denial of rights of landownership as the dis