which have come to pass since the forecasts written in the early part of 1903 (see Preface). Then come 16 brief biographies of leading statesmen with a portrait of each; a glance at the four epochs of New Zealand history with a table of the chief events in each period; a description of the people, their origin, characteristics, etc.; a powerful statement of the causes of New Zealand's development, including an inquiry into the influence of pressing evils and practical problems, of singletax and socialist theories, of high ideals of justice, of electoral and governmental machinery giving free play to collective ability and public interest, of the devotion of a relatively large proportion of energy to the accomplishment of civic and industrial justice, and of union at the ballot to secure measure after measure in the onward march regardless of differences as to ultimates or any matters other than those clearly involved in the questions acted upon.

Chapter 80 offers a large number of striking unities and contrasts between New Zealand and the United States. Then comes a section dealing with "New Zealand's Place Among the Nations," as indicated by a series of Civilization Tables with 80 columns of comparative data showing the relative rank of the principal nations in regard to various elements of civilization. In this chapter Professor Parsons has made the pioneer effort at definit comparison of the principal nations in respect to the leading elements of civilization. A chronology of leading events from 1642 to 1904 is given, and a bibliography of important books and magazine articles relating to New Zealand, with notes to guide the reader as to the contents and character of the works, the publishers, prices, etc., completes the text.

A copious index, excellent table of contents, illustrations and valuable hints in the preface enable the reader to find at once any matter he desires to refer to and the cross references bearing upon it in all parts of the volume; and from the "Information Bureau" (p. xxiii), "the traveler through the book may obtain answers free of charge to a number of special questions" that may occur to him in reading the narrative.

The Story of New Zealand hinges on scientific colonization with selected immigration in the forties; the public works policy of 1870, that established a national railway system and laid the foundations of the material development of the Commonwealth; the improvement of the electoral system in the eighties; the momentous "Industrio-Political Revolution of 1890, when the common people united at the ballot box to elect men pledged to their interest, swept the monopolists out of power and obtained control of the Government; and the consequent institutional reforms of subsequent years, especially 1891-4, '96, '98, and 1901, by means of which New Zealand has made more progress toward industrial freedom than any other country in the world."

The results of the American Revolution or of the French Revolution were not more remarkable or far reaching than the consequences of this peaceful revolution by the ballot in the far away home of the Yankees of the South Pacific. It turned the tide from the concentration of wealth to its diffusion, changed the fundamental control from government by and for the monopolists to government by and for the people, and set in motion motives and forces that have already

solved some of the most difficult industrial problems of the age and are moving steadily forward to the solution of them all.

While the "Revolution," and the fraternalism, common sense, and high ideals that permeate political affairs, are the facts of surpassing interest in the history of the Island Commonwealth, the nationalization of credit and of the soil, of railways and express, telegraphs and telephones, life, accident and fire insurance, banks, coal mines, etc.; and the establishment of old-age pensions, progressive taxation of land and incomes with exemption of small holders and of all improvements; State resumption and division of large estates, limitation of holdings and preference for the landless in the distribution of land; judicial decision of labor difficulties whereby strikes and lockouts have been abolished and industrial peace established (there having been no industrial battle within the scope of the law during the nearly nine years since it went into effect, and only a few microscopic strikes of unorganized workers outside the act); State employment bureaus with the police as special agents, admirable store and factory acts, the eight-hour day, cooperative employment on public works, etc., etc., cɔnstitute a series of industrio-political developments unequalled elsewhere in the history of this world.

Not only is the "Revolution" itself, with its causes, methods, and results, more clearly and fully treated in this volume than ever before, but each of the insti tutions mentioned in the preceding paragraph is discussed with a strength and thoroness hitherto unattained. The best treatment of Government insurance is to be found in this book; the best brief statement of the philosophy of progressive taxation, also the best discussion of old-age pensions, the most interesting description of the workings of public railways, and the strongest presentation of the facts respecting industrial arbitration. For the first time the great events that make up the story of New Zealand from the beginning, are stated in their true relations and with due attention to causes and results, with a masterly description of each of the leading institutions developed in the Colony's unparalleled political and industrial evolution.

The volume is unique in the literature of the world. It is history, biography, psychology and sociology welded into one, lighted with art and humor, charming as the unfolding of a powerful drama, forceful as clear and vigorous English can make it. Never before has the political, industrial and social history of a people been gathered into one richly illustrated and delightful volume. Never has a writer had a subject more full of hope for the solution of the most pressing problems of this age. Never has the relation between successive increments of popular control over the government and the improvement of industrial conditions been so clearly marked. Never has the curve of progress taken an upward sweep so like the path of a rocket. "From savage cannibalism to the highest civilization in a life time, from one of the poorest countries in the world to the richest (per capita) in half a century, from racial war to racial harmony in a generation, from industrial war to industrial peace in a decade, from charity to justice, competition to cooperation, monopoly to diffusion, despotism to democracy;

government by landlords and the money power in their own interest to government by farmers and workingmen in the interest of all as the outcome of a great election, is certainly a record of change in condition and policy, which for quantity, quality and speed of progress is without a parallel." (Story of New Zealand, p. 507).

The United States is undoubtedly the grandest nation on the globe, but it is by no means perfect and may still learn much from other peoples. We adopted Arabia's numerals, Germany's movable types, England's steam engine, Australia's ballot, etc., and we may well examine closely New Zealand's land and tax laws, public credit and insurance, national railways, telegraphs and coal mines, old-age pensions, labor laws and electoral system. Not that it is possible to adopt all her progressive measures immediately, nor that it would be wise perhaps to adopt all of them ever; but that it is certainly wise to study what has been done in other countries in order to judge more truly what ought to be done here. And however great the difficulty may appear at present in respect to any given advance, it does not follow that we should neglect it. Mandatory arbitration for example cannot properly be undertaken here while our governments are such that organized labor has no confidence in the judges they would appoint. But this is not a reason for opposing arbitration on demand, but for striving to secure more real control by the people over the governments so that labor and capital will both have confidence in the courts and the way be cleared for judicial decision of labor difficulties with all the beneficent consequences that flow from industrial peace.

Every person in the United States: President, congressmen, governors, legislators, judges, professional men, railroad men, merchants, capitalists, working men of all sorts, women in stores, factories and homes -everyone who is interested in the progress of this country and of civilization in general should feel an interest in the political discoveries and inventions of New Zealand which constitute quite as important advances in the field of social development as the steam engine and the railway were in the realm of material advance. Quoting the Story of New Zealand, p. 507:

"The Industrio-political Revolution of 1890 was the most important event in the history of New Zealand and one of the most important in the history of the world. Just as the guns of Lexington reverberated round the globe, and the influence of the American and French Revolutions permeated all thinking people, helping to mold their political history, so the new emancipation in this far colony, the twin sister of New England, is radiating its force throughout the civilized world, and will become a powerful factor in molding the political and industrial history of the future. An invasion of armies may be repelled; an invasion of ideas is irresistible."

A Few Early Opinions of "The Story of New Zealand" from Some of the Leading Philadelphia Physicians.

"What a work! Your enthusiasm seems never to flag."-Dr. Geo. M. Gould.

"If such a thing, at present, were possible, that our own city could be influenced by the work these far-away people have done for their own commonwealth, what a blessing it would be for us, who, at present, seem helpless to avert the insolent and dictatorial rule of men low in morality and intellect.”—Dr. Albert M. Eaton.

"In giving circulation to the lessons in popular government which are exemplified in this work, you are rendering patriotic service, and proclaim yourself a

public spirited citizen of our great American Commonwealth."-Dr. Frank Woodbury.

"I greatly prize the splendid book on New Zealand, and have already learned a lot of interesting things. As editor and publisher, you have rendered a distinct service to the public."-Dr. B. Franklin Stahl.

"It is the Mecca of the practical idealist-the land without precept-tradition or perverted ideas to hamper it in its effort toward a government of the people, for the people, by all the people."-Dr. Wendell Reber.

"So far as I have read, it is a very interesting story, and it promises to be more attractiv as one proceeds. Its political history is a revelation, and worthy of imitation."-Dr. Thos. J. Mays.

"Am enjoying the book."-Dr. Jno. B. Deaver.

"It is on my mantle piece, and I read it whenever I have a few moments to spare. To me it is an intensely interesting book. The editor and publisher of

a book like this is a public benefactor."-Dr. E. B. Gleason.

"I wish this volume a splendid sale. I assure you of my interest in New Zealand, a land possest not only of picturesque and advanced ideas regarding politics and the rights of the individual, but also of scenery equally as picturesque, comparing most favorably with the Norwegian fiords."-Dr. Judson Daland.

The following is from a letter just received from Rev. Josiah Strong: "I have long desired such a presentation of the social progress of New Zealand, and you and Professor Parsons have rendered an important service to the public, in presenting to it such a work. New Zealand is a great social laboratory from which all the world should learn much."

Rev. Russell H. Conwell, of Philadelphia, says: "The volume will do great things for political reform in this country, because of the fact that the advanced theories of government in New Zealand must soon conquer the world."

Judge Walter Clark, chief justice of North Carolina, writes: "The experiments in government in that country (New Zealand) have been the constant subject of attack and misrepresentation by the plutocratic part of the press. I have sought in vain for a reliable and full statement of what has been done in that country. Professor Parson's work 'fills the bill,' and no better man could possibly have been found for the task."

"The Story of New Zealand' gives more information such as a student of social science needs in regard to the actual condition of that country than all other books I have encountered, put together."-Thomas Wentworth Higginson.

"It looks most interesting and important."-Richard T. Ely, Head of Department of Economics, University of Wisconsin.

"I am delighted with the appearance of 'The Story of New Zealand,' and shall be interested in its contents. I hope to devote considerable time to it soon, and to write you again in regard to it."-Prof. E. W. Bemis.

It is

"I know I shall find it very valuable. very likely that I shall find time before long to make a Sunday evening lecture about it."-(Rev.) Washington Gladden.

"I consider it invaluable."-R. F. Pettigrew, Ex-U. S. Senator.

"My wife and I are enthusiastic about New Zealand, and she is already buried in your book, and I shall be soon."-John G. Woolley.

[Ed. New Voice, and Prohibition Orator.]

(" The volume is a statesman's book. It treats of questions and issues which statesmen have to reckon with, now pending everywhere."- Henry N. Hoxie.

"I read Lloyd's book with deep interest, tempered

ness is more corrupt and he will at once decide that public business is the worse. Probably he will point to the postoffice and Indian management scandals. The reverse is, I believe, the truth when the business is of equal volume.

The management of public business is public, open to inspection; private business is private, not open to inspection. The courts have held repeatedly and strongly that even a stockholder, who is a part owner of the business, can not see the books of a corporation save the stock and minute books; that to make the other records public would give an unfair advantage to rivals. The result is that corruption in public affairs is almost sure to be unearthed sometime with a great hullabaloo, but in private affairs it may be hidden for years even from the owners of the business, and should they find it out, they will stop the leak and but rarely reveal the disgrace. The people rarely hear of private, but are almost sure to hear of public corruption.

There was a time when the government was the largest employer of high-grade labor; when private business was carried on by small concerns managed directly by their owners or under the eye of the owners. That day is rapidly passing. The growth of great corporations has substituted system and management for the eye of the owner. The small, coarse frauds, which were practised by small traders, of short weights and measures, of substituting inferior goods for those sold, have been largely done away with; but instead the evils of dishonesty and indolence have grown with the growth of big corporations until they far exceed those evils in the public business. It is the size of the business and the fact that it is not under its owner's eye, and is not public, that permit these noxious growths.

I have sold goods for over a quarter century. During that time I have traveled at least fifteen thousand miles a year and in one year it was over forty thousand miles. I go only to the large cities and see only the large trade. There are railroads and large companies to which I can not sell because I will not buy the purchasing agents. How do I know? By many little things which make me morally sure of it, so sure that there are large users whom I never call on. This has culminated in one or two rare instances by buyers asking me for a commission. I have seen purchasing agents on salaries of $2,000 and $3,000 grow very rich. This is all I can vouch for on personal knowledge, as I have never bribed a man to buy and our company does not allow it.

This is only the minor part of the evidence. Traveling men talk with each other, and thru the freemasonry of their craft they get to know who is and who is not purchasable. My friend Tom Jones (of course that is not his real name) has sold over a million in one year for the large manufacturing, importing and jobbing concern he represents. He is a keen, quick, companionable, pleasant fellow. Once out West he had the buyer for a large concern to supper at his hotel and afterward they strolled into the bar and sat talking over the drinks. The buyer had bought considerable in the past and had begun an order that afternoon which promist to be a good one. It was to be finisht the next day.

"Tom," says he, "I'm hard up. I went into a little speculation and I must have $900 by three o'clock tomorrow. Can you loan it to me?"

Why, yes; I guess so," replies Tom. "I haven't that amount in my clothes just now, but I can go to

- in the morning and get it."

Before noon the next day Tom had handed his friend $900 in bills. No receipt was either askt or given, and nothing was said either then or later about repayment. But the order Tom sent in amounted to nearly $20,000.

My friend Jones had an understanding with his house that he could draw up to $30,000 a year without explanation as to how it was spent. The head of the concern was worth millions and, of course, they did a large business. The goods they dealt in do not sell to municipal governments, nor to the railroads, but to the large jobbing trade.

Here is another of his stories, showing just how it is done. In the Southwest is a large jobbing house which

had always given Jones small orders, but nothing at all commensurate with the size of the business they were doing, and try as hard as he could, Jones could not get a foothold. At last he suggested to the buyer, whom we will call Fred Smith, that if he wanted any personal favors, to hint at them; and Smith replied: I'm full of goods now, but we'll see on your next trip." On the next trip Jones had a special price to offer and he got Smith into the bar-room of the hotel where, sitting over the drinks, he expatiated on it. When thru, Smith said:

"Tom, I have a payment of $1,600 to make soon; could you raise it for me?" Tom replied:

"Oh, yes; but you know, Fred, we haven't had much more than a smell of your business. Are you going to give us a good slice this time?"

"Yes," Smith said. "You get me that $1,600 and we'll fix it."

This time Jones did not quite trust his man, and somehow could not get his draft casht till the order was made out, but fifteen minutes later the cash was obtained and handed over to Smith without receipt. The order amounted to $47,000, and on his return to New York the millionaire head of the house remarkt to Jones that he had got that order cheap.

It has been a common remark in the West that the purchasing agent of a railroad would become rich on à salary of $2,000 or $3,000. They have been known to build $25,000 houses out of the surplusage of one year's income. The vice-president of a car manufacturing company told me a few years ago that he did the bulk of the selling for his company, and that nine-tenths of his orders were got by bribing the purchasing agents and occasionally the president or vice-president. Sealskin sacks to the wives were a not uncommon method. In one case, it was a fine horse and carriage; in another, a yacht. The treasurer of another company dealing in railroad supplies told me how, before he went to a neighboring city, he invariably sent his own personal check (not his company's, because that would not look well) to the purchasing agent of one of the largest systems on this continent. This man, now dead, was a fine-looking, white-haired Scotchman, elder in the Presbyterian church and universally respected. When the salesman got there he went thru the railroad's supply stock, made up the order and fixt the prices. He remarkt, with a wink, that his company did not lose any money, even if they had paid a thousand dollars before each trip. These checks were never acknowledged and nothing was said. They ranged from $500 to $1,000 each time, and my friend shrewdly remarkt that once or twice when the checks had been small the order had been cut short before being finisht, and the benevolent, white-haired old purchasing agent had remarkt that he had to give so and so, mentioning a rival firm, a little of his business, you know. After these gentle hints larger checks were sent and the rival did not get a smell of the business, no matter how low his prices were.

In a certain eastern city it was common talk that a now millionaire varnish concern got its first start by a judicious distribution of its own stock among purchasing agents and superintendents of car shops. Of course, future dividends depended on sales of varnish, and who could so easily influence sales at profitable prices as the men who bought and used varnish, but did not pay for it?

Andrew Carnegie, without an apparent thought of the essential dishonesty of it, calmly tells how the stock of the bridge building company, which was one of the earliest of his successful undertakings, was mainly placed with railroad purchasing agents, directors and officials. Nine-tenths of its sales were made to railroads.

Another place where there is much corruption is the buying of supplies for large manufacturing corporations. As these are mainly in the East, it prevails there. There have been large profits in the manufacture of aniline colors. Ease in adulteration, necessity for careful judgment between different makes and dependence on the judgment or skill of chemist or dyer, who is rarely more than a salaried subordinate-these

are the conditions necessary for corruption, and they have produced it. I have known of large aniline sellers paying the head dyer in a large silk mill, who received $20 or $25 a week and certainly not over $30, another regular weekly salary of $20 to recommend their dyes and queer all other colors. Thus, when a rival's samples were being tried, this man would quietly slip in a little acid or other chemical that would dull or spoil the color. His recommendations meant thousands of dollars in business to the aniline makers a year.

The business I am connected with uses some anilines, and once when our chemist was absent I saw a salesman from a company with whom we had never dealt. He did not catch my name, and after the offer of a cigar he leant forward and whispered:

"If you can get those colors in I'll see that you get five percent on all orders." I lookt a little astonisht and he hastened to add:

"Make it ten percent." This tempted me into lead ́ing him on, and I said:

Oh, you don't do as well as your neighbors." He straightened up and said:

Fix the price on that color $1.50 per pound (he had already quoted $1 per pound on it) and we'll give you sixty-five cents on every pound you order."

As we order three hundred or four hundred pounds at a time, this would make a very tidy sum. Needless to say the order was not placed, but I did not tell the fellow the reason. Another aniline salesman once told me he had to do it or lose his job. I simply told him we tested and bought goods on their merits and did not take commissions.

Another more subtle way of managing this is to charge the same as other dealers, but to adulterate the color. Thus, if a color is selling at $2 a pound and is shaded-this is the synonym that the trade uses for adulterated-with half its weight of salt, dextrin or some cheap, harmless substance costing a cent or two a pound, its makers can afford to pay fifty cents a pound or even more as commission (in plain language as bribery) and make more money on it. All the user knows is that he has to buy this color very frequently. Another friend, who sells a large line of hardware, got a large corporation onto some fine goods, but after the first lot the secretary told him the goods were so poor that they could not use them. My friend, whom we will call Brown, persuaded the secretary to go to the factory in an adjacent village to test the goods, and they were tested in the presence of the foreman who had condemned them before, but now they were found all right. The two left, but Brown went back and saw the foreman, who openly askt for a commission. This Brown expected and he at once said to the foreman : "If any more fault is found with these goods your superiors will know of it." Later the secretary was so worried that he made an investigation, found the foreman had been accepting bribes for years, dismist him, and then Brown told him of this occurrence.

This corruption extends down to the smallest details of buying and selling, where the buyer is not buying for his own use, but for some one else. Thus, the milk dealers in New York complain that it is impossible to serve the people in flats without bribing the janitor. If he is not bribed, something always happens to cause complaints.

And it runs all the way up the gamut to what Judge Grosscup calls the "incorporated dishonesty" of the ship-building trust, engineered by a Schwab and a Morgan. Of this, the Newark News, commenting on the sworn testimony of Mr. Dresser, said editorially:

The abyss of probable financial corruption has not been fully plumbed, but the glimpses carry a public shock. The deduction reached is that J. P. Morgan & Co. lent its great credit to a transaction which was little more nor less than sheer swindling. That it sold its fiduciary honor and integrity is the plain alternativ, if the Dresser testimony be accepted. The Schwab Dresser-Morgan coterie was both buyer and seller, and constituted a wheel within a wheel.

Other illustrations could easily be given, but enough have been stated in detail to show the secret, insidious corruption that prevades buying and selling. When the seller sells what he owns, and the buyer buys for his own use, there is no opportunity for corruption. But where the transaction is secret and the buyer has

power to buy but not the responsibility of buying for himself or his own use, or where there is a supposedly uniform price, such as in freight rates, and the seller can secretly give cut rates, this corruption is sure gradually to prevade and justify the quotation from Whitman that, "The depravity of the business classes of our country is not less than is supposed, but infinitly greater."

How is it with the buying for the government? Is there an equal amount of corruption there? For years my company has sold goods to the United States government. At times it has sold more than any other concern handling like goods, and in some departments more than all others put together. Of late years I have personally managed that business, and during all the time have been conversant with it. We have never given bribes, never been askt for them, never even had a hint of it. Some fifteen or eighteen years ago there was a small amount of corruption proved and eradicated. Once since, I thought there was a very smoothly workt trick, but on looking into it I came to the conclusion that the government officials were entirely innocent though it was possible they may have been workt a little.

The buying is done by publisht bids, which any one can get, any responsible house can bid, and then, quality considered, the bids are awarded to the lowest bidder. I have occasionally thought there was a bias in the minds of the awarding committee. I have often wisht they had more freedom so that they could adopt improved goods or methods. Frequently I have felt that they got into ruts, were too well satisfied and in a small way were tyrannical, but I have not had even small incidents point to any corruption.

Recently a well known and successful bidder for the supplies for the New York City public schools told me that probably he had more influence with the awarding committee than any other man, but it was only because he had always recommended good goods and that he absolutely could not get any favors at a higher price or on inferior goods. He showed me this year's printed contract, in which every item was clearly specified and the awards for last year in which the kind of goods, the name of the party to whom each item was awarded and the price were printed. Of course, these prices were closely scrutinized by unsuccessful bidders and if there was anything wrong or that lookt wrong, a row was raised. This very publicity prevents corruption.

There is some governmental corruption, as shown by the recent postoffice investigation, but I believe it is sporadic, not of long existence; and that when it is found out a great deal of fuss is made over it, tenfold more than over the same corruption in private business.

Does not this make you a little "easier" on the subject of public ownership of telegraphs, railroads and other public utilities? The objection of many careful people has always been that there would be too much dishonesty. The above shows that there would be less, if in public hands. I suggest that you get the magazine in which the above occurs, and read the entire article, and think about it.

PRACTICAL POINTS

In rheumatism, gout, lumbago and neuralgia, have you tried Griffith's Compound Mixture of Guaiac, Stillingia, etc.? If not, why not become acquainted with it now? See adv. on page 24 for constituents, and for trial free offer.

On page 7, Mr. Frye is advertising two cases of surgical instruments; one for $15, and the other a pocket case for $3.75. Turn to the adv. and read the description of the contents. Also, you will be interseted in the long list of miscellaneous surgical instruments, and the attractiv prices which Mr. Frye quotes (Continued over next page.)